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Byrnes, Andrew --- "Drug Offences, the Death Penalty and Indonesia's Human Rights Obligations in the Case of the Bali 9: Opinion Submitted to the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia " [2007] UNSWLRS 44

Last Updated: 5 May 2008

“Drug offences, the death penalty, and Indonesia’s human rights obligations in the case of the Bali 9: opinion submitted to the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia”[1]

Andrew Byrnes, Professor of International Law, Australian Human Rights Centre, Faculty of Law, University of New South Wales

Abstract

In 2005 a number of Australian citizens (known as the “Bali 9”) were convicted of offences under the Narcotics Law of Indonesia in relation to their participation in a drug smuggling operation that was intended to transport a large amount of heroin from Bali to Australia. At first instance they were sentenced to lengthy terms of imprisonment, but on appeal a number of them had their sentence increased to death. Three of those sentenced to death on appeal lodged petitions with the Constitutional Court of Indonesia arguing that the imposition of the death penalty was a violation of the Indonesian Constitution, as well as of Indonesia’s obligations under international human rights treaties. This expert opinion was submitted to the court and addresses two issues of international human rights law which were before the Court: (1) whether the restriction contained in article 51 of the Law on the Constitutional Court of access to the Court to Indonesian citizens only is a violation of Indonesia’s international obligations; and (2) whether the imposition of the death penalty in relation to drug offences is a violation of Indonesia’s obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

Keywords

Human rights; right to life; arbitrary deprivation of life; death penalty; equality; access to court by foreigners; International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights; International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination; Indonesia; Constitutional Court of Indonesia

SUMMARY OF OPINION

Significance of this case

1. This case a fundamentally important one, not just for the individuals involved and the Indonesian legal system, but also for the Asia Pacific region and the international community more generally. It is the first occasion in over a decade in which the apex court of a major Asian jurisdiction has had the opportunity to examine in depth the question of the death penalty and its legality under international human rights law, taking into account the major developments in human rights law and scientific studies about the supposed deterrent effect of capital punishment.

General

2. As a member of the international community of States, Indonesia is bound by applicable rules of customary international law, as well as by the treaties to which it has become party (including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination). Under international law a State is obliged to ensure that its constitution, laws and practices are in conformity with its international obligations; the fact that domestic law requires or permits actions which are inconsistent with international obligations is no justification under international law for a failure to fulfil those obligations. (paras 6-8)

3. Customary international law prohibits discrimination on the basis of nationality and Indonesia is obliged to ensure that persons who are not nationals are guaranteed and in fact enjoy the equal protection of the law, equal access to the courts and tribunals, and the right to a remedy for alleged violations of internationally guaranteed human rights.

4. Under the ICCPR and the CERD Convention Indonesia is obliged to ensure that persons who are not nationals enjoy the equal protection of the law, equal access to courts and tribunals, and the right to a remedy for alleged violations of internationally guaranteed human rights. (paras 37-70)

5. These customary international law and treaty obligations are binding on all organs of the Republic of Indonesia, and the actions of the courts of Indonesia, should they fail to do what lies within their power to ensure the enjoyment of those rights, may engage the international responsibility of Indonesia and give rise to liability on the international plane. (paras 7-8)

Interpretation of the UN human rights treaties including the ICCPR – relevance of the views of the UN human rights treaty bodies

6. The considered views of the Human Rights Committee and other UN human rights treaty bodies are viewed by courts and States parties as a highly authoritative and persuasive interpretive source, and should normally be followed. (paras 20-36)

Equality in access to the procedures of the Constitutional Court for non-citizens

7. Under customary international law, the ICCPR and the CERD Convention Indonesia is obliged to ensure that all persons within its jurisdiction – nationals and non-nationals -- enjoy equality before the law and equal protection of the law, without discrimination on the basis of nationality or national origin. (paras 38-54)

8. This obligation specifically includes the duty to ensure to non-nationals the right of access to the courts and tribunals on a basis of equality with citizens, including equal access to procedures before the Constitutional Court as well as to all other courts and tribunals.

9. Equality and non-discrimination in this context requires the identical treatment of citizens and non-citizens in relation to the procedural right to bring cases before the Constitutional Court asserting violations of rights guaranteed to them under the Constitution, unless the State clearly demonstrates that there is an objective and reasonable justification for the distinction between citizens and non-citizens. (para 55)

10. While the Constitution confers rights both on citizens and non-citizens (though some political rights are legitimately confined to citizens), article 51 of the Law on the Constitutional Court appears to deny to non-citizens the right to bring cases before the Constitutional Court in cases in which they allege violations of the Constitution, and in which citizens in the same circumstances would be able to raise the same constitutional challenge. (paras 57-58)

11. There is nothing on the face of the Law on the Constitutional Court which suggests that there is any objective and reasonable justification for the differential treatment of Indonesian nationals and non-Indonesian nationals. Given that it is the most fundamental right of all that is at issue – the right to life of individuals – it is hard to see that there could be any justification put forward that would be acceptable under international law for permitting citizens to claim their constitutional rights but denying that right to non-citizens who have been sentenced under the same laws by the same organs of the State which are subject to the same constitutional limitations. (para 59)

12. Accordingly, if article 51 of the Law on the Constitutional Court were held to be a valid law with the effect of denying to a non-citizen the right conferred on a citizen to challenge the constitutionality of the law under which he has been sentenced to death, this would amount to a violation of Indonesia’s obligations under articles 2, 14, and 26 of the ICCPR, the CERD Convention, and under corresponding rules of customary international law. (paras 59-70)

13. The imposition of a death sentence following proceedings in which the guarantees of article 14 have not been followed, would also amount to a violation of article 6(1) of the ICCPR. (para 71)

14. The denial might also amount to an independent violation of the right to a remedy guaranteed under article 2(3) of the ICCPR. (para 71)

Imposition of the death penalty for drug offences

15. Customary international law and Article 6 of the ICCPR oblige Indonesia to ensure that the right to life of all individuals is protected and that no one is arbitrarily deprived of his or her life.

16. While international law does not absolutely prohibit the imposition of the death penalty, it sees it as an exceptional measure, and there has been a trend supported by the majority of States over the last 50 years towards the abolition of the death penalty, and in particular the limitation of the offences for which it can be imposed. (paras 72-94)

17. Under the ICCPR the imposition of a death sentence will only be lawful if the State can show that the procedural and substantive guarantees set out in that article have been observed. (para 95)

18. Under the ICCPR the death penalty may only be imposed in respect of “the most serious crimes”, a phrase which bears an “autonomous” international meaning. (para 96-99)

19. The practice of the Human Rights Committee makes it clear that “most serious crimes” does not include drug offences (including drug trafficking offences). (paras 100-119)

20. Accordingly, the imposition of the death penalty on persons convicted of drug offences would constitute a violation of Article 6 (2) of the ICCPR. (paras 120-121)

21. The imposition of the death penalty (for drug offences) may be arbitrary in contravention of Article 6(1) of the ICCPR to the extent that it relates on assumptions about the unique deterrent effect of the death penalty, since those assumptions are not borne out by the empirical evidence. (paras 122-137)

***

PART 1: GENERAL

A. INTRODUCTION

  1. This case before the Constitutional Court is one of fundamental importance, not just for the individuals involved and for Indonesia, but also for the Asia Pacific region and the international community more generally.
  2. This is the first occasion in over a decade and only the third occasion in nearly a generation in which the apex court of a major Asian jurisdiction has had the opportunity to examine in depth the question of the death penalty and its legality under international human rights law, taking into account the major developments in human rights law and scientific studies about the supposed deterrent effect of capital punishment.

3. This report considers two major issues which are before the Constitutional Court:

(a) whether a denial of access to a non-citizen to the Constitutional Court to challenge the constitutionality of a sentence imposed on the non-citizen, when a citizen has the right to bring such proceedings, is consistent with the obligations of the Republic of Indonesia under international law, in particular under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR or the Covenant) and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (the CERD Convention); and

(b) whether the imposition of the death penalty for offences under articles 80, 81 and 82 of Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 22 of 1997 on Narcotics is consistent with the obligations of Indonesia under international law, in particular under article 6 of the ICCPR, which guarantees the right not to be arbitrarily deprived of one’s life and which limits the imposition of the death penalty to cases involving “the most serious crimes”.

  1. 4. My answers to these two questions, for reasons detailed in this Opinion, are:

B. MATERIAL ON WHICH THIS OPINION IS BASED

  1. In addition to the international and comparative source material (including international treaties, declarations and reports, and the case law of international human rights bodies and national courts) available to me in English and cited in this opinion, I have also considered the following English language versions of Indonesian primary constitutional and legal materials:

C. THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN INTERNATIONAL LAW AND THE INDONESIAN LEGAL SYSTEM FROM AN INTERNATIONAL LEGAL PERSPECTIVE

  1. Under international law, a State’s obligation to give effect to the provisions of a treaty means that, if national laws and practices are inconsistent with the situation required by the treaty,[6] then the State must change those laws and practices in order to fulfil its treaty obligations.[7] It is no justification for a failure to carry out a treaty obligation to say that national law requires or permits a guaranteed right to be violated. This general principle is reflected in article 27 of the Vienna Convention, which provides in relevant part:

“Internal law and observance of treaties

A party may not invoke the provisions of its internal law as justification for its failure to perform a treaty . . ..”
  1. All organs of the State are potentially involved in the implementation of human rights treaties – the executive government, the legislature, and the judiciary.[8] Equally, all levels of the State potentially have a role to play in the implementation of human rights obligations – national, provincial, and local organs – and their action or inaction may engage the responsibility of the State.
  2. The United Nations Human Rights Committee (described in further detail below) has set out the position under the ICCPR -- which also represents the general international legal position on the relationship between international legal obligations and domestic law:[9]
“4. The obligations of the Covenant in general and article 2 in particular are binding on every State Party as a whole. All branches of government (executive, legislative and judicial), and other public or governmental authorities, at whatever level -- national, regional or local -- are in a position to engage the responsibility of the State Party. The executive branch that usually represents the State Party internationally, including before the Committee, may not point to the fact that an action incompatible with the provisions of the Covenant was carried out by another branch of government as a means of seeking to relieve the State Party from responsibility for the action and consequent incompatibility. This understanding flows directly from the principle contained in article 27 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, according to which a State Party 'may not invoke the provisions of its internal law as justification for its failure to perform a treaty'. Although article 2, paragraph 2, allows States Parties to give effect to Covenant rights in accordance with domestic constitutional processes, the same principle operates so as to prevent States parties from invoking provisions of the constitutional law or other aspects of domestic law to justify a failure to perform or give effect to obligations under the treaty. In this respect, the Committee reminds States Parties with a federal structure of the terms of article 50, according to which the Covenant's provisions 'shall extend to all parts of federal states without any limitations or exceptions'.”

D. INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS AND INDONESIA

1. General

  1. Since it attained its independence, Indonesia has participated in the international community and the United Nations and has consistently expressed support for the promotion and protection of human rights, including international human rights standards. It has claimed and exercised the rights and privileges that it enjoys as a sovereign State and member of the international community of nations, and has also recognized the responsibilities and obligations that flow from that status, in particular its legal obligations under customary international law and treaty obligations assumed by it in the exercise of its sovereignty.
  2. Indonesia has consistently articulated the importance of human rights in the national context. In its initial report under the Convention against Torture and Other Forms of Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment submitted to the United Nations in 2001, the Government of Indonesia stated:[10]
“4. The concept of human rights is not new to Indonesia. Indonesian people had to wage a protracted struggle in the course of hundreds of years of colonial rule in order to exercise their right of self-determination, one of the most fundamental of human rights. Indonesia’s commitment to the promotion and protection of human rights in the entire Indonesian territory is derived from Pancasila.. . .
45. . . . [T]he concept of human rights is not new to the Indonesian people. The commitment of the Government of the Republic of Indonesia to the promotion and protection of human rights formally began with the promulgation of the 1945 Constitution. Although it is not as comprehensive as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948, the 1945 Constitution has guaranteed the human rights of the Indonesian citizens. Therefore, from the constitutional point of view, Indonesia has long recognized the importance of and guaranteed the implementation of human rights values.”
  1. The third periodic report of Indonesia submitted to the United Nations in 2006 under the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination stated:[11]
“The promulgation of the 1945 Constitution on 18 August 1945, long before the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, is an indication of how the founding fathers of Indonesia had already envisaged the paramount importance of human rights promotion and protection, including with respect to the elimination of all forms of racial discrimination.”
  1. This commitment is also reflected in Law of the Republic of Indonesia No 39 of 1999 concerning Human Rights, in which it is proclaimed (in paragraph (d) of the preamble):
“Whereas as a member of the United Nations, the nation of Indonesia has a moral and legal responsibility to respect, execute and uphold the Universal Declaration of Human Rights promulgated by the United Nations, and several other international instruments concerning human rights ratified by the Republic of Indonesia”.
  1. Indonesia has ratified or acceded to nearly all the principal United Human Rights treaties. It is a party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (since 2006), the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (since 2006), the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (since 2004), the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (since 1998), the Convention on the Rights of the Child (since 1990), and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (since 1999).
  2. Indonesia has also signed the Convention on the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families (on 22 September 2004) and the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (on 28 February 2000). Indonesia was one of the States which signed the recently adopted Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities on 30 March 2007, the first day on which the Convention was open for signature. Indonesia is also party to a number of other UN human rights treaties, and has ratified all major International Labour Organisation conventions on human rights.[12]
  3. Indonesia has been a consistent supporter of the values set out in the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights (and reaffirmed on countless occasions since 1948 by the United Nations General Assembly and many other inter-governmental bodies). Indonesia has also been an active participant in the human rights bodies of the United Nations. It served as a member of the Commission on Human Rights from 1991-2002 and from 2004-2006. In 2006 Indonesia was elected as one of the inaugural members of the new UN Human Rights Council. Among the pledges Indonesia undertook to fulfil when it announced its candidature were the following:[13]
“Indonesia will continue to work and fully cooperate with relevant treaty monitoring bodies through the timely submission of its national reports and implementation of their recommendations.”
“Indonesia will continue to implement its second National Plan of Action 2004-2009 consisting of 146 strategies on human rights of (i) ratification of international instruments (ii) harmonization of domestic laws (iii) education and dissemination (iv) application of norms and standards (v) strengthening of the institutional framework and (vi) monitoring, evaluation and reporting.”
“Indonesia will do its utmost to fully implement all international human rights instrument[s] to which it is party.”

2. The ICCPR and Indonesia

  1. As a matter of national law, Indonesia ratified the ICCPR by means of Law No 12 of 2005, which took effect as domestic law on 28 October 2005. Internationally, Indonesia deposited its instrument of accession to the ICCPR with the United Nations on 23 February 2006, and the treaty entered into force for Indonesia under international law on 23 May 2006.[14]
  2. By becoming a State party to the ICCPR, Indonesia assumed a legal obligation to ensure that its laws and practices are in conformity with the standards required by the Covenant. In addition, Indonesia undertook to submit regular reports to the United Nations Secretary-General on the steps which it has taken to give effect to the treaty; these reports are considered by an expert body set up under the ICCPR, the Human Rights Committee. The initial report is due within one year of entry into force (thus by 23 May 2007), and periodic reports are due every five years thereafter, or whenever the Committee requests.
  3. In addition to these obligations, there are a number of other undertakings that a State party is free to accept when ratifying or acceding to the Covenant. These include the acceptance of the competence of the Human Rights Committee to consider complaints of violations of the Covenant made by one State party against another (article 41), and also the individual complaints procedure established by the First Optional Protocol to the ICCPR, a separate treaty adopted at the same time as the ICCPR and open only to States parties to the ICCPR. Indonesia has not yet accepted the procedure under article 41 of the ICCPR, nor has it yet ratified the First Optional Protocol.[15]
  4. In 1989 the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Second Optional Protocol to the ICCPR. States which become parties to the Second Optional Protocol undertake to abolish the death penalty. Indonesia has not yet ratified this treaty.[16]

E. INTERPRETING THE ICCPR: RELEVANT SOURCES AND AUTHORITIES

1. Basic principles of treaty interpretation

  1. Under international law, there are well-established principles of treaty interpretation. The starting-point is generally accepted to be articles 31-32 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (which also represent customary international law in this regard). The basic principle is that the text of the treaty should be interpreted in accordance with its ordinary meaning, in light of the object and purpose of the treaty and of its context. It is also permissible to have regard to the drafting history of the treaty (travaux préparatoires) as a supplementary means of interpretation, as well as subsequent practice under the treaty in order to help in the process of interpretation. Articles 31 and 32 of the Vienna Convention provide:
“Article 31
General rule of interpretation
1. A treaty shall be interpreted in good faith in accordance with the ordinary meaning to be given to the terms of the treaty in their context and in the light of its object and purpose.
2. The context for the purpose of the interpretation of a treaty shall comprise, in addition to the text, including its preamble and annexes:
(a) any agreement relating to the treaty which was made between all the parties in connexion with the conclusion of the treaty;
(b) any instrument which was made by one or more parties in connexion with the conclusion of the treaty and accepted by the other parties as an instrument related to the treaty.
3. There shall be taken into account, together with the context:
(a) any subsequent agreement between the parties regarding the interpretation of the treaty or the application of its provisions;
(b) any subsequent practice in the application of the treaty which establishes the agreement of the parties regarding its interpretation;
(c) any relevant rules of international law applicable in the relations between the parties.
4. A special meaning shall be given to a term if it is established that the parties so intended.
Article 32
Supplementary means of interpretation
Recourse may be had to supplementary means of interpretation, including the preparatory work of the treaty and the circumstances of its conclusion, in order to confirm the meaning resulting from the application of article 31, or to determine the meaning when the interpretation according to article 31:
(a) leaves the meaning ambiguous or obscure; or
(b) leads to a result which is manifestly absurd or unreasonable.”

2. The UN human rights treaty bodies and their output

  1. In the context of the United Nations human rights treaties, there is an additional body of authoritative material that needs to be taken into account in the interpretation of those treaties – the practice of United Nations human rights treaty bodies.[17] Under each of the UN human rights treaties, there is a committee of independent experts which has been entrusted by the States parties to that treaty with the role of monitoring its implementation. Each of the committees comprises experts who are nominated by individual States parties to the treaties and who are elected by the meeting of the States parties.
  2. The ICCPR established the Human Rights Committee, a body of 18 independent experts drawn from a variety of geographical regions and systems of law, all with considerable expertise in the field of international human rights law – the experts have been predominantly international lawyers, many of them leading international law scholars. The Committee has been in existence since 1977 and is the second oldest UN human rights treaty body. The Committee is highly respected, due to the calibre of its members and the quality of its analysis and work. It has examined hundreds of reports of States parties, as well as hundreds of individual communications over 30 years. The collective expertise and experience of the Committee means that, although it is not a court with the power to issue binding judgments, its views on the interpretation and application of the ICCPR are particularly authoritative and should be given considerable weight in determining what the treaty’s provisions mean. The status of these views has been recognized by governments, the International Court of Justice and other international and regional courts, many national courts, and commentators on international human rights law. For example, the Privy Council, hearing an appeal from New Zealand, commented in relation to the status of the views of the Human Rights Committee:[18]

”It is true that its views are not binding on the state party concerned . . .. The views of the Human Rights Committee acquire authority from the standing of its members and their judicial qualities of impartiality, objectivity and restraint.”[19]
  1. The documents of the Human Rights Committee (and similar documents produced by the other committees) which are of particular relevance to the interpretation of the treaties are the following:
(a) the General comments adopted by the Committee under article 40(4) of the ICCPR (an explanation by the committee of its understanding of the meaning of a particular provision or of cross-cutting themes);[20]
(b) the Concluding observations on the reports of individual countries – these represent the Committee’s assessment after consideration of the State party’s report of where the State falls short in its implementation of the Convention and what steps it needs to take to remedy the situation;
(c) the views or decisions of the Committee adopted in a case submitted under the First Optional Protocol;
(d) the reports produced by individual States parties to the treaties and submitted to the United Nations for review by the Committee; and
(e) the discussions between the Committee and the representatives of States parties during the examination of periodic reports submitted by a State (normally documented in the summary records of the committees, and their annual reports).

The first three categories of documents are of particular importance.

3. The relevance and weight of practice of the UN human rights treaty bodies, and other practice under the treaties

Use of treaty body output by national courts and tribunals

  1. An important issue for this case, as well as for the interpretation of the ICCPR more generally, is the weight that should be given to the practice of the Human Rights Committee (in particular its interpretations of the ICCPR) in the process of interpreting and applying the Covenant. In 2002 and 2004 the Committee on International Human Rights Law and Practice of the International Law Association published two reports examining these issues in the context of a project which considered the use made by national courts and tribunals of the output of the UN human rights treaty bodies. [21] In those reports the ILA Committee considered, among other issues, how national and international courts viewed the formal legal status of those outputs under international law and their relevance to the process of national adjudication. The material contained in those reports shows that international and national courts, as well as many other international actors, give considerable weight to the output of the UN human rights treaty bodies, including the Human Rights Committee, when interpreting the UN treaties, but also when interpreting national constitutional and legislative provisions. The following comments and supporting references to UN treaty body output by a variety of national courts are taken from the ILA Committee’s report. National courts have described the General comments and Views of the Human Rights Committee and other treaty bodies as:
  1. Courts in all regions of the world have made use of the General comments and recommendations, and the views of the Human Rights Committee and other treaty bodies in their judicial decisions. Examples from the Asia Pacific region include the courts of India, Hong Kong, Nepal, Japan, Korea, the Philippines, Sri Lanka, Australia, and New Zealand.[29]
  2. For example, in Vishaka v State of Rajasthan, the Supreme Court of India addressed the relevance of these international sources (in this case a General recommendation of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women) to the interpretation of the guarantee of equality in the Indian Constitution in a case involving sexual harassment as follows:[30]
“The meaning and content of the fundamental rights guaranteed in the Constitution of India are of sufficient amplitude to encompass all the facets of gender equality including prevention of sexual harassment or abuse ... The international conventions and norms are to be read into them in the absence of enacted domestic law occupying the field when there is no inconsistency between them. It is now an accepted rule of judicial construction that regard must be had to international conventions and norms for construing domestic law when there is no inconsistency between them and there is a void in the domestic law.”
  1. The Hong Kong courts have also made significant use of Human Rights Committee output in interpreting both the Hong Kong Bill of Rights Ordinance 1991 (which was effectively a direct enactment into domestic law of the ICCPR) and article 39 of the Hong Kong Basic Law (which raises to constitutional level the ICCPR and ICESCR). In the first major case under the Bill of Rights, the Court of Appeal wrote:[31]
"In interpreting the Bill of Rights Ordinance considerable assistance can be gained from the decisions of common law jurisdictions with a constitutionally entrenched Bill of Rights (in particular Canada and the United States), from the general comments and decisions of the Human Rights Committee under the ICCPR and the Optional Protocol to the ICCPR, and from the jurisprudence under the European Convention on Human Rights. While none of these are binding, in so far as they reflect the interpretation of articles in the ICCPR and are directly related to Hong Kong legislation, these sources are of the greatest assistance and should be given considerable weight."
  1. The Japanese courts have on a number of occasions recognised the relevance of the General comments of the Human Rights Committee to the interpretation of the ICCPR under domestic law.[32] Professor Yuji Iwasawa (elected to the Human Rights Committee in 2006) cites the views expressed in 1994 by the Osaka High Court:[33]
“‘General comments’ and ‘views’ [of the Human Rights Committee] should be relied on as supplementary means of interpretation of the ICCPR. Furthermore, contents of an international convention of a similar kind such as the European Convention on Human Rights and jurisprudence under it can also be treated as supplementary means of interpretation of the ICCPR."
  1. The Full Court of the Federal Court of Australia has recently commented on the appropriateness of referring to treaty body views (in this case views of the Human Rights Committee):[34]
"Although the views of the [Human Rights] Committee lack precedential authority in an Australian court, it is legitimate to have regard to them as the opinions of an expert body established by the treaty to further its objects by performing functions that include reporting, receiving reports, conciliating and considering claims that a State Party is not fulfilling its obligations. The Committee's functions under the Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which Australia has acceded (effective as of 25 December 1991) are particularly relevant in this respect. They include receiving, considering and expressing a view about claims by individuals that a State Party to the Protocol has violated covenanted rights. The conclusion that it is appropriate for a court to have regard to the views of such a body concerning the construction of a treaty is also supported by the observations of Kirby J in Johnson v Johnson (2000) 201 CLR 488 at 501-502, and of Katz J in Commonwealth v Hamilton [2000] FCA 1854; (2000) 108 FCR 378 at 387, citing some observations of Black CJ in Commonwealth v Bradley [1999] FCA 1524; (1999) 95 FCR 218 at 237. See also The Queen v Sin Yau-Ming [1992] 1 HKCLR 127 at 141. It is appropriate, as well, to have regard to the opinions expressed in works of scholarship in the field of international law, including opinions based upon the jurisprudence developed within international bodies, such as the Committee."
  1. In other countries as well there has been increasing recognition not only of decisions but also of the General comments as an important source of interpretative guidance. The trend is not confined to States in which a treaty has been directly incorporated into domestic law. Courts in a number of countries have taken the view that the international jurisprudence under the United Nations human rights treaties is a relevant interpretive source for the interpretation of constitutional provisions and also statutes. This reflects, among other things, the generally accepted principle that, since a State should not be assumed to be acting in a manner inconsistent with its international obligations, national law should, where possible, be interpreted in a manner which is in conformity with the State's obligations under customary international and treaty law. For example, in construing the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, the Supreme Court of Canada has referred to international human rights norms, including those by which Canada was not bound and instruments adopted both before and after the adoption of the Charter.[35]
  2. In its relatively short history of interpreting the Indonesian Constitution, this Court has also underlined the importance of having regard to relevant international norms (including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the ICCPR), as is demonstrated by (among other cases) the Court’s judgment of 23 July 2004 in the Masykur Abdul Kadir case,[36] in which both majority and minority judgments made reference to international standards in relation to non-retrospectivity of criminal laws. In the Court’s judgment of 7 December 2006 in the case challenging the constitutionality of the law establishing the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the Court referred specifically to General comment 20 of the Human Rights Committee,[37] and the Court has referred to other General comments in some of its other cases.

Use by international courts and tribunals

  1. The output of the UN human rights treaty bodies (particularly that of the Human Rights Committee) has also been utilized by a number of international courts and tribunals, in their interpretation of the ICCPR, and other UN and regional human rights treaties. The 2004 report of the ILA Committee on International Human Rights Law and Practice documented a selection of the instances in which international tribunals had drawn on these sources.[38] The international courts and tribunals which have drawn on this output in varying ways include: the European Court of Human Rights, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, the International Criminal Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and for Rwanda, the Human Rights Chamber for Bosnia-Herzegovina, and the International Court of Justice.[39]

Status, authority and persuasiveness of the views of the Human Rights Committee

  1. In summary, there is a broad consensus among the principal international human rights tribunals and many national courts, that the output of the UN human rights treaty bodies – in particular that of the Human Rights Committee – is an extremely important resource for interpreting national constitutional and legislative provisions. So far as the interpretation of the ICCPR itself is concerned, the outcome can be stated more strongly: the considered views of the Human Rights Committee are viewed by courts and States parties as a highly authoritative and persuasive interpretive source.
  2. The authority of the output of the UN human rights treaty bodies arises in part from the fact the States parties to the treaties have entrusted to them, as independent experts, the task of monitoring the implementation of the ICCPR, a task which necessarily involves interpretation and application of the treaty. However, the formal legal status of some of this output – in particular, General comments, but also other sources – may be seen as gaining additional authority because of the reaction of States parties to them. All the material produced by the Committees is made available to States parties in the public documents of the Committee which are distributed to all States parties, and in the Committees’ annual reports to the General Assembly (which are distributed to all member States). States parties thus have the opportunity to react to the general comments and other positions taken by the Committees – something which they have done on a number of occasions when they have not agreed with the interpretation taken by the Committees. Well-known examples include the criticism of two General comments adopted by the Human Rights Committee, one on the right to life (insofar as it related to the possession of nuclear weapons), and one in relation to reservations. But the vast majority of the general comments adopted by the Human Rights Committee have not met with criticism by States parties when circulated to them.[40]
  3. Accordingly, it has been argued that whatever status these outputs have because of the particular structure of the UN human rights treaties, the acquiescence of States parties in the public pronouncements of the Committee can be viewed as “subsequent practice in the application of the treaty which establishes the agreement of the parties regarding its interpretation”, or “supplementary means of interpretation”, and are thus a relevant source under the traditional rules of treaty interpretation in the Vienna Convention. Whichever view is adopted, the result is clear: that the General comments, Views and other output of the Committee are an important and highly persuasive interpretive source.
  4. In the case of Indonesia, the additional argument may also be made that, since Indonesia acceded to the ICCPR in 2006, it can be presumed to have had knowledge of the jurisprudence of the Human Rights Committee adopted up to that time, and that it may arguably therefore be taken to have acquiesced in those views, in particular in the interpretations of the ICCPR set out in the Committee’s General comments. The fact that the relevant provisions of the Constitution and the Law No 39 of1999 concerning human rights appear to have been drafted in close alignment with the provisions of the international treaties to which Indonesia is party would reinforce that argument.

PART 2: DENYING NON-CITIZENS ACCESS TO
THE CONSTITUTIONALCOURT

F. DENIAL TO NON-CITIZENS OF ACCESS TO THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT AS IMPERMISSIBLE DISCRIMINATION UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW

  1. This section considers whether the difference in the procedural rights of citizens and non-citizens to initiate proceedings before the Constitutional Court is consistent with the rights guaranteed by the ICCPR. This analysis is based on the following assumptions as to the position under Indonesian law:

THE INDONESIAN LAW RELATING TO ENJOYMENT OF THE RIGHTS TO LIFE BY NON-CITIZENS AND ACCESS TO THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT

Enjoyment under the Indonesian Constitution of the right to life by non-citizens

  1. So far as the enjoyment of the right to life is concerned, article 28A, which appears in Chapter XA of the Constitution which is titled “Fundamental Human Rights”, provides:
“Each person has the right to live and the right to defend his life and existence.”

The reference to “person” in the English version of the text in this and other provisions of this Chapter of the Constitution contrasts strikingly with a small number of rights which are conferred only on “citizens”.[41] These include the rights to obtain equal opportunities in government (Article 28D (3)) and the rights to work and earn a human livelihood (Article 27). It seems clear from the face of the Constitution that the drafters intended to draw a distinction between a small number of rights which would be guaranteed only to citizens, and a range of other fundamental rights which were to be guaranteed to all persons, citizen and non-citizen alike.

  1. While the interpretation of the Constitution is essentially a matter of Indonesian law, it is permissible under international law to limit some rights to citizens – for example, the right to stand for political office, the right to vote, and the right to employment in the public service of the country. Limiting the constitutional protection of these types of rights to citizens, while guaranteeing others to all persons, would be consistent with international law. However, the critical issue in this case is whether non-citizens on whom rights have been conferred by the Constitution can be denied access to the Constitutional Court to seek their enforcement, when Indonesian citizens are entitled to access the Court for that purpose in relation to the very same rights.
  2. Accordingly, this analysis proceeds on the basis that as a matter of Indonesian law the Article 28A of the Indonesian Constitution does indeed guarantee to non-citizens the right to live and the right to defend one’s life and existence. If this were not the case, then the failure to provide a constitutional guarantee of this right to non-citizens while providing it to citizens, would itself involve a violation of the obligations of Indonesia under international law.[42] To the extent that international legal obligations can be taken into account by the Indonesian courts in interpreting the Constitution, this may be relevant to the interpretation given to the scope of Article 28A of the Constitution.

Access to the Constitutional Court by non-citizens

41. Article 51 of the Law on the Constitutional Court provides:

“1. Applicants are parties who believe that their constitutional rights and/or authorities are disadvantaged by the issuance of an act, and they are:

(a) individuals, citizens of Indonesia;
(b) union of customary law community, provided it is still alive and in line with the community development and the principles of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia as regulated by law;
(c) public or private legal entities, or
(d) state institutions.”
  1. On its face, this provision does not appear to confer on a person who is a non-citizen the right to challenge the formulation of a law or its material substance before the Constitutional Court, even if the person claims that rights conferred on him by the Constitution have been infringed by that law. I do not know whether Article 51 sets out the full extent of the jurisdiction of the Constitutional Court to entertain constitutional claims; it may be that the Court has inherent jurisdiction to consider constitutional issues arising in some other way. Indeed, it seems that the Court must have some inherent jurisdiction of this sort, to deal with a case such as the present one, in which the barrier apparently posed by Article 51 to access to the Court by a non-national to raise a constitutional claim is itself challenged as unconstitutional.

Human rights and the non-citizen: the general position

  1. The obligation to ensure equality and non-discrimination – including non-discrimination on the basis of nationality – is a well-established rule of customary international law. Indeed, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights has even gone so far as to express the view that the rule is not just an ordinary rule of customary international law but amounts to a peremptory norm of international law from which no derogation is permitted (a rule of ius cogens).[43]
  2. So far as the position in relation to non-citizens is concerned, under the international law of human rights and the ICCPR the position is very clear: in general a State must ensure that all persons present in its territory or under its jurisdiction enjoy fundamental human rights and freedoms. There is a small number of rights whose enjoyment may be restricted to citizens only (in particular political rights); there are also some rights the enjoyment of which may be restricted to a greater extent in the case of non-citizens than in the case of citizens (for example, the right to enter and leave the country). But in general, the position is as set out in 2003 by the Special Rapporteur of the United Nations Sub-Commission on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights on the Rights of Non-Citizens, Professor David Weissbrodt:[44]
“Based on a review of international human rights law, the Special Rapporteur has concluded that all persons should by virtue of their essential humanity enjoy all human rights unless exceptional distinctions, for example, between citizens and non-citizens, serve a legitimate State objective and are proportional to the achievement of that objective. For example, non-citizens should enjoy freedom from arbitrary killing, inhuman treatment, slavery, forced labour, child labour, arbitrary arrest, unfair trial, invasions of privacy, refoulement and violations of humanitarian law. They also have the right to marry, protection as minors, peaceful association and assembly, equality, freedom of religion and belief, social, cultural, and economic rights in general, labour rights (for example, as to collective bargaining, workers’ compensation, social security, appropriate working conditions and environment, etc.) and consular protection. While all human beings are entitled to equality in dignity and rights, States may draw narrow distinctions between citizens and non-citizens with respect to political rights explicitly guaranteed to citizens and freedom of movement.”
  1. The Human Rights Committee has adopted a similar approach under the ICCPR. In its General comment 15 (the position of aliens under the Covenant), adopted in 1986, it stated:
“1. Reports from States parties have often failed to take into account that each State party must ensure the rights in the Covenant to “all individuals within its territory and subject to its jurisdiction” (art. 2, para. 1). In general, the rights set forth in the Covenant apply to everyone, irrespective of reciprocity, and irrespective of his or her nationality or statelessness.
2. Thus, the general rule is that each one of the rights of the Covenant must be guaranteed without discrimination between citizens and aliens. Aliens receive the benefit of the general requirement of non-discrimination in respect of the rights guaranteed in the Covenant, as provided for in article 2 thereof. This guarantee applies to aliens and citizens alike. Exceptionally, some of the rights recognized in the Covenant are expressly applicable only to citizens (art. 25), while article 13 applies only to aliens. However, the Committee’s experience in examining reports shows that in a number of countries other rights that aliens should enjoy under the Covenant are denied to them or are subject to limitations that cannot always be justified under the Covenant.
3. A few constitutions provide for equality of aliens with citizens. Some constitutions adopted more recently carefully distinguish fundamental rights that apply to all and those granted to citizens only, and deal with each in detail. In many States, however, the constitutions are drafted in terms of citizens only when granting relevant rights. Legislation and case law may also play an important part in providing for the rights of aliens. The Committee has been informed that in some States fundamental rights, though not guaranteed to aliens by the Constitution or other legislation, will also be extended to them as required by the Covenant. In certain cases, however, there has clearly been a failure to implement Covenant rights without discrimination in respect of aliens.
7. Aliens thus have an inherent right to life, protected by law, and may not be arbitrarily deprived of life. They must not be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment; nor may they be held in slavery or servitude. Aliens have the full right to liberty and security of the person. If lawfully deprived of their liberty, they shall be treated with humanity and with respect for the inherent dignity of their person. Aliens may not be imprisoned for failure to fulfil a contractual obligation. They have the right to liberty of movement and free choice of residence; they shall be free to leave the country. Aliens shall be equal before the courts and tribunals, and shall be entitled to a fair and public hearing by a competent, independent and impartial tribunal established by law in the determination of any criminal charge or of rights and obligations in a suit at law. Aliens shall not be subjected to retrospective penal legislation, and are entitled to recognition before the law. They may not be subjected to arbitrary or unlawful interference with their privacy, family, home or correspondence. They have the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion, and the right to hold opinions and to express them. Aliens receive the benefit of the right of peaceful assembly and of freedom of association. They may marry when at marriageable age. Their children are entitled to those measures of protection required by their status as minors. In those cases where aliens constitute a minority within the meaning of article 27, they shall not be denied the right, in community with other members of their group, to enjoy their own culture, to profess and practise their own religion and to use their own language. Aliens are entitled to equal protection by the law. There shall be no discrimination between aliens and citizens in the application of these rights. These rights of aliens may be qualified only by such limitations as may be lawfully imposed under the Covenant.”
  1. The Committee has also made the same point on a number of occasions in its concluding observations on State party reports. For example, in its Concluding Observations on the fourth periodic report of Finland, it stated:[45]
“The Committee notes with appreciation Finland's actions to advance human rights since consideration of its third periodic report in October 1990. Foremost among these developments are Finland's ratification of the Second Optional Protocol to the Covenant in 1991, the reform of the Finnish Constitution in 1995 to incorporate the provisions of the Covenant and other human rights instruments into the Constitution and to extend the application of fundamental rights to non-citizens as required by article 2(1) of the Covenant.”
  1. The starting-point is thus identical or similar treatment of nationals and non-nationals – any deviation from that then needs to be justified. This obligation arises from general international law obligations as well as from the ICCPR and the CERD Convention. The following sections explore in particular the scope of the obligation not to discriminate on the ground of nationality in the context of the ICCPR and on the ground of national origin under the CERD Convention.

THE INTERNATIONAL LAW RELEVANT TO THE DENIAL TO NON-CITIZENS OF ACCCESS TO THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT

Discrimination under the ICCPR – articles 2(1), 14 and 26

  1. The denial to non-citizens of the procedural right to challenge laws on the ground that they infringe rights guaranteed to them by the Constitution raises issues under a number of guarantees of equality and the right of access to court contained in the ICCPR which Indonesia is obliged to ensure. The relevant provisions are:
“Article 2
1. Each State Party to the present Covenant undertakes to respect and to ensure to all individuals within its territory and subject to its jurisdiction the rights recognized in the present Covenant, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.
2. Where not already provided for by existing legislative or other measures, each State Party to the present Covenant undertakes to take the necessary steps, in accordance with its constitutional processes and with the provisions of the present Covenant, to adopt such laws or other measures as may be necessary to give effect to the rights recognized in the present Covenant.
3. Each State Party to the present Covenant undertakes:
(a) To ensure that any person whose rights or freedoms as herein recognized are violated shall have an effective remedy, notwithstanding that the violation has been committed by persons acting in an official capacity;
(b) To ensure that any person claiming such a remedy shall have his right thereto determined by competent judicial, administrative or legislative authorities, or by any other competent authority provided for by the legal system of the State, and to develop the possibilities of judicial remedy;
(c) To ensure that the competent authorities shall enforce such remedies when granted.”
“Article 14
1. All persons shall be equal before the courts and tribunals. In the determination of any criminal charge against him, or of his rights and obligations in a suit at law, everyone shall be entitled to a fair and public hearing by a competent, independent and impartial tribunal established by law. The press and the public may be excluded from all or part of a trial for reasons of morals, public order (ordre public) or national security in a democratic society, or when the interest of the private lives of the parties so requires, or to the extent strictly necessary in the opinion of the court in special circumstances where publicity would prejudice the interests of justice; but any judgement rendered in a criminal case or in a suit at law shall be made public except where the interest of juvenile persons otherwise requires or the proceedings concern matrimonial disputes or the guardianship of children.”
“Article 26
All persons are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to the equal protection of the law. In this respect, the law shall prohibit any discrimination and guarantee to all persons equal and effective protection against discrimination on any ground such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.”
  1. The denial to non-citizens of the right to launch constitutional proceedings constitutes a violation of article 2(1) of the ICCPR in conjunction with article 14, and also constitutes a violation of the right to equal protection of the law contained in article 26 of the Covenant. The following section sets out the analysis which leads to this conclusion.
  2. Article 2(1) of the ICCPR guarantees the equal and non-discriminatory enjoyment of the rights set out in the Covenant, including the right of access to the courts guaranteed by article 14.[46] Article 26 guarantees not just equality and non-discrimination in the enjoyment of the rights set out in the ICCPR but is a free-standing guarantee of equality. In particular the right to “equal protection of the law” is a guarantee of equality in the substantive content of the law, not just a guarantee of the non-discriminatory application of the law.

Grounds of prohibited discrimination

  1. A number of grounds of prohibited discrimination are listed in articles 2(1) and 26 of the ICCPR: “race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status”. It is clear that a distinction between citizens and non-citizens would fall within these descriptions, either as an aspect of “national origin”, or as “(an)other status”. For example, in the case of Gueye v France,[47] the Human Rights Committee considered a claim of discrimination brought by Senegalese nationals who had served as soldiers in the French army before the independence of Senegal in 1960 and who were paid pensions which were less generous than those paid to retired French soldiers of French nationality. The Committee concluded that in this case the differentiation based on nationality fell within the category of “other status” and concluded that it was discriminatory, since the distinction was not based on reasonable and objective criteria. The Committee concluded that there had been a violation of article 26 of the ICCPR
  2. The Human Rights Committee has also considered a number of cases in which there have been challenges to schemes for returning previously confiscated property to its original owners. In Karel Des Fours Walderode v Czech Republic¸ the Committee considered a claim challenging a law under which citizenship was a requirement for applying for restitution of confiscated property. The Committee, referring to a number of its earlier cases dealing with the imposition of nationality requirements for restitution, concluded:[48]
“The Committee recalls . . . that a requirement in the law for citizenship as a necessary condition for restitution of property previously confiscated by the authorities makes an arbitrary, and consequently a discriminatory distinction between individuals who are equally victims of prior state confiscations, and constitute a violation of the Covenant.”
  1. In the case of Karakurt v Austria[49] the Human Rights Committee held that an Austrian law which prevented Karakurt, a Turkish national working in Austria, from standing for election to a work-council was discriminatory on the grounds of nationality, in violation of article 26 of the ICCPR.
  2. Thus, it is clear that differential treatment on the basis of nationality falls within the purview of the guarantees of equality and non-discrimination in the ICCPR, and any difference of treatment based on nationality will therefore have to be justified. This reflects the position under customary international law, and also the position under the major regional human rights treaties (the American Convention on Human Rights, the European Convention on Human Rights, and the African Charter of Human and Peoples’ Rights).

The meaning of discrimination under the ICCPR

  1. The meaning of discrimination under the ICCPR corresponds to its meaning under other human rights treaties and under the customary international law of human rights. In its General comment 18 (1989), the Human Rights Committee set out its understanding of the concept of non-discrimination under the ICCPR. It stated:
“7. . . .[T]he term ‘discrimination’ as used in the Covenant should be understood to imply any distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference which is based on any ground such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status, and which has the purpose or effect of nullifying or impairing the recognition, enjoyment or exercise by all persons, on an equal footing, of all rights and freedoms.
. . .
13. Finally, the Committee observes that not every differentiation of treatment will constitute discrimination, if the criteria for such differentiation are reasonable and objective and if the aim is to achieve a purpose which is legitimate under the Covenant.”

Discrimination in the enjoyment of procedural rights

  1. The issue is thus whether the denial to a non-citizen of the opportunity to bring a constitutional challenge to enforce rights which the Constitution confers on him or her -- when a citizen is given that right – is discrimination on the basis of nationality within the meaning of article 2(1) (in conjunction with article 14), and article 26 of the ICCPR.
  2. The starting point of most international human rights jurisprudence is to assume that equality and non-discrimination requires identical treatment and that if persons with different statuses (here different nationalities) are not treated in the same way, then an explanation is required which shows that there is an objective and reasonable basis for making the distinction. This means that any distinction must pursue a legitimate goal and must be proportionate to the achievement of that goal.
  3. In the present case it does not appear on the face of the legislation why Article 51 of the Law Number 24 of 2003 on the Constitutional Court refers only to persons of Indonesian nationality when describing the categories of legal persons entitled to bring cases before the Court. It may simply be a drafting oversight, with the drafters assuming – as would be the case in most instances -- that it would be Indonesian nationals who would be bringing constitutional proceedings. It may also reflect a failure to take into account the fact that the Constitution confers rights not only on Indonesian “citizens” but also on all “persons”. If either of these is the case, then it seems extremely difficult to argue that there is an objective and reasonable justification for the distinction, and it would therefore be unlawful discrimination in violation of the ICCPR.
  4. If Article 51 is the result of a deliberate decision to limit the enforcement of constitutional rights to citizens – even where constitutional rights had been formally conferred on non-citizens as well – then it would also be extremely difficult to make the case that this was a legitimate distinction, particularly in cases involving serious criminal charges potentially leading to the imposition of the death penalty. There seems to be no plausible reason why an Indonesian national who is sentenced to death under a possibly unconstitutional law should be able to challenge that law, while a non-Indonesian sentenced to death under the same law would be unable to challenge it. If there is any right which is quintessentially a universal human rights, it is the right not to be arbitrarily deprived of one’s life. To make the applicability of that punishment in an ordinary criminal case potentially turn on the passport one carries – essentially an act of chance – seems neither logical nor just.

The right of non-citizens to institute constitutional cases in other jurisdictions

  1. It might be argued that this distinction is not an arbitrary or unreasonable one, since there are other countries which make such distinctions and deny non-citizens the right to institute constitutional proceedings. However, the information available to me suggests that this is not a sound defence of the distinction for a number of reasons. While I have not undertaken a comprehensive and detailed review of constitutional jurisdictions, I have examined a number of countries in the region and further afield. It appears to be widespread practice that, where a constitution confers rights on non-citizens, those non-citizens are able to bring constitutional proceedings to enforce those rights, on the same basis as citizens. This would be the case in most (if not all) of the more than 50 members of the Commonwealth of Nations (which includes more than a dozen Asian jurisdictions and many African countries), and in most (if not all) European and Latin American countries. Examples of such jurisdictions include Australia, Canada, USA, Singapore, Germany, Austria, Switzerland, South Africa, Italy, Hong Kong, China, Malaysia, India, Sri Lanka, Spain, Portugal, Belgium, Ukraine, Estonia, Romania, and Netherlands.
  2. It is true that some countries permit only citizens to institute constitutional proceedings. One example is Thailand, under its recently suspended constitution, and also Vietnam, both of which are parties to the ICCPR. Two comments may be made about these cases. First, there is an important difference between those constitutions and the Constitution of Indonesia, in that those constitutions do not generally confer any rights on non-citizens, but confer them only on citizens. Accordingly, non-citizens do not have any constitutional rights that they could invoke in constitutional proceedings and so the omission is understandable.
  3. But equally importantly and decisive even if there are other countries which do not guarantee non-citizens constitutional rights, is the fact that such a failure to include constitutional guarantees for non-citizens where they are guaranteed to citizens is also itself a violation of article 26 of the ICCPR. Accordingly, emulating a situation which constitutes a violation of the ICCPR could not be seen as a justification for this denial of procedural rights to enforce those rights when they are constitutionally guaranteed.
  4. There are some indications in the practice of the Human Rights Committee of its views of the differential treatment of non-nationals in the enjoyment of procedural rights. In Ben Said v Norway[50] the Committee considered a complaint by a non-resident alien that he had been denied his rights under article 14(1) when the State party refused to allow him to attend a child custody hearing in person. The Committee started from the presumption of an entitlement to equal procedural rights (in this case the right to appear in person), but found in the present case the right had not been insisted on:
“11.3 The right to a fair trial in a suit at law, guaranteed under article 14, paragraph 1, may require that an individual be able to participate in person in court proceedings. In such circumstances the State party is under an obligation to allow that individual to be present at the hearing, even if the person is a non-resident alien. In assessing whether the requirements of article 14, paragraph 1, were met in the present case, the Committee notes that the author's lawyer did not request a postponement of the hearing for the purpose of enabling the author to participate in person; nor did instructions to that effect appear in the signed authorisation given to the lawyer by the author at the airport and subsequently presented by the lawyer to the judge at the hearing of the child custody case. In these circumstances, the Committee is of the view that it did not constitute a violation by the State party of article 14, paragraph 1, that the Oslo City Court did not on its own initiative, postpone the hearing in the case until the author could be present in person.”

The clear implication is that the non-citizen was entitled to the same procedural rights as a citizen, but in this case had failed to invoke his right to appear sufficiently at the appropriate stage.

  1. In an analogous case involving the validity of a reservation by Trinidad and Tobago seeking to limit access by persons sentenced to death to the Human Rights Committee under the Optional Protocol by persons who had been sentenced to death while otherwise accepting the procedure in relation to those complaining of other violations, the Committee held:[51]
“6.7 The present reservation, which was entered after the publication of General Comment No. 24, does not purport to exclude the competence of the Committee under the Optional Protocol with regard to any specific provision of the Covenant, but rather to the entire Covenant for one particular group of complainants, namely prisoners under sentence of death. This does not, however, make it compatible with the object and purpose of the Optional Protocol. On the contrary, the Committee cannot accept a reservation which singles out a certain group of individuals for lesser procedural protection than that which is enjoyed by the rest of the population. In the view of the Committee, this constitutes a discrimination which runs counter to some of the basic principles embodied in the Covenant and its Protocols, and for this reason the reservation cannot be deemed compatible with the object and purpose of the Optional Protocol. The consequence is that the Committee is not precluded from considering the present communication under the Optional Protocol.”

While this view was expressed in the context of an Optional Protocol case and involved discrimination between different categories of citizens, it indicates the Committee’s view of the type of differential treatment that may constitute discrimination in procedural rights.

Article 51 and Indonesia’s obligations under the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination

  1. The provisions of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD Convention) are also relevant to the differential treatment of citizens and non-citizens in relation to access to the Constitutional Court. Indonesia ratified this treaty as a matter of domestic law by Law No 29 of 1999, and acceded to the Convention as a matter of international law on 25 June 1999 (entry into force for Indonesia on 25 July 1999, in accordance with article 19(2) of the Convention).

66. States parties to the CERD Convention accept the following obligations:

“Article 2
1. States Parties condemn racial discrimination and undertake to pursue by all appropriate means and without delay a policy of eliminating racial discrimination in all its forms and promoting understanding among all races, and, to this end:
(a) Each State Party undertakes to engage in no act or practice of racial discrimination against persons, groups of persons or institutions and to en sure that all public authorities and public institutions, national and local, shall act in conformity with this obligation;
. . .
(c) Each State Party shall take effective measures to review governmental, national and local policies, and to amend, rescind or nullify any laws and regulations which have the effect of creating or perpetuating racial discrimination wherever it exists”.

“Article 5
In compliance with the fundamental obligations laid down in article 2 of this Convention, States Parties undertake to prohibit and to eliminate racial discrimination in all its forms and to guarantee the right of everyone, without distinction as to race, colour, or national or ethnic origin, to equality before the law, notably in the enjoyment of the following rights:
(a) The right to equal treatment before the tribunals and all other organs administering justice . . .”.
  1. Article 1 of the CERD Convention defines the discrimination to which the Convention applies:
“1. In this Convention, the term ‘racial discrimination’ shall mean any distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference based on race, colour, descent, or national or ethnic origin which has the purpose or effect of nullifying or impairing the recognition, enjoyment or exercise, on an equal footing, of human rights and fundamental freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural or any other field of public life.
2. This Convention shall not apply to distinctions, exclusions, restrictions or preferences made by a State Party to this Convention between citizens and non-citizens.
3. Nothing in this Convention may be interpreted as affecting in any way the legal provisions of States Parties concerning nationality, citizenship or naturalization, provided that such provisions do not discriminate against any particular nationality.”
  1. While this definition does not directly prohibit discrimination based explicitly on nationality (as opposed to national origin), it has been accepted that this form of discrimination may amount to indirect or disparate impact racial discrimination, that is, differential treatment based on nationality may have a disproportionate impact on persons of a particular national origin, or of a national origin other than that of most citizens – and thus it would be covered by the CERD Convention.
  2. The Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination has recently explicated the obligations of States parties in relation to discrimination based on nationality. In its General recommendation XXX on discrimination against non-citizens (2005), the Committee states:

“1. Article 1, paragraph 1, of the Convention defines racial discrimination. Article 1, paragraph 2 provides for the possibility of differentiating between citizens and non-citizens. Article 1, paragraph 3 declares that, concerning nationality, citizenship or naturalization, the legal provisions of States parties must not discriminate against any particular nationality;

2. Article 1, paragraph 2, must be construed so as to avoid undermining the basic prohibition of discrimination; hence, it should not be interpreted to detract in any way from the rights and freedoms recognized and enunciated in particular in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights;

3. Article 5 of the Convention incorporates the obligation of States parties to prohibit and eliminate racial discrimination in the enjoyment of civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights. Although some of these rights, such as the right to participate in elections, to vote and to stand for election, may be confined to citizens, human rights are, in principle, to be enjoyed by all persons. States parties are under an obligation to guarantee equality between citizens and non-citizens in the enjoyment of these rights to the extent recognized under international law;

4. Under the Convention, differential treatment based on citizenship or immigration status will constitute discrimination if the criteria for such differentiation, judged in the light of the objectives and purposes of the Convention, are not applied pursuant to a legitimate aim, and are not proportional to the achievement of this aim. Differentiation within the scope of article 1, paragraph 4, of the Convention relating to special measures is not considered discriminatory. . .”

  1. In short, the test of discrimination under the CERD Convention in relation to differential treatment of citizens and non-citizens is essentially the same as that under the ICCPR. Accordingly, a denial to non-citizens of the right of access to the Constitutional Court would constitute not only a violation of Indonesia’s obligations under the ICCPR but also of its more longstanding obligations under articles 2 and 5 of the CERD Convention.[52]

CONCLUSION ON DENIAL TO NON-CITIZENS OF ACCESS TO THE CONSTITUIONAL COURT

  1. If the effect of Article 51 of the Law on the Constitutional Court is held to be the exclusion of non-citizens from access to the Constitutional Court to challenge the constitutionality of the laws under which they have been sentenced to death, this would constitute a violation of articles 2 and 14, and 26 of the ICCPR, articles 2 and 5 of the CERD Convention, and Indonesia’s obligations under customary international law not to discriminate on the basis of nationality. The imposition of a death sentence following proceedings in which the guarantees of article 14 have not been followed, would also amount to a violation of article 6(1) of the ICCPR. It would also arguably constitute a violation of Indonesia’s obligation under article 2(3) of the ICCPR to ensure that remedies are available for alleged violations of ICCPR rights.

PART 3: THE DEATH PENALTY AND THE ICCPR

G. INDONESIA’S INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS OBLIGATIONS AND THE DEATH PENALTY FOR DRUG OFFENCES

  1. The critical question in this case is whether the imposition of the death penalty for drug offences is consistent with Indonesia’s obligations under international law, in particular its obligations under article 6 of the ICCPR. The interpretation of the relevant provisions of the ICCPR needs to be undertaken in the broader context of the internationally guaranteed right to life, and international law and policy relating to the death penalty, as well as the history and practice under the ICCPR itself.
  2. The question of the abolition of the death penalty has been a contentious one in the development of international law, from the earliest days of the United Nations and the drafting of the Universal Declaration and the ICCPR. Nevertheless, it is possible to identify a broad consensus in the international community, reflected in customary international law on the issue, as well as in the provisions of the ICCPR and other human rights instruments.
  3. That consensus can be summed up as follows:
  4. This legal and policy position of the international community is reflected in the increasing number of States which have become de iure or de facto abolitionist, and the increasingly limited number of crimes for which the death penalty may be imposed in those countries which retain capital punishment. In the following Table, taken from the 2005 report of the UN Secretary-General to the Economic and Social Council,[53] the clear trend towards restriction and abolition (de iure and de facto) of the death penalty can be seen:

Completely
abolitionist
Abolitionist
for ordinary
crimes
Retentionist—
de facto
abolitionist
Retentionist
1 January 1999 (194 countries)
70
11
34
79
31 December 2003 (195 countries)
80
12
41
62
  1. In addition, the United Nations itself has abjured resort to the death penalty, even for the most serious international crimes. In the various international or hybrid international criminal tribunals which the United Nations has been involved in establishing in recent years – which have jurisdiction over crimes of the utmost seriousness, including genocide and crimes against humanity – the most severe penalty is life imprisonment: the death penalty may not be imposed. These include the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, the Special Court for Sierra Leone, and the Extraordinary Chambers of the Cambodian Courts, as well as the International Criminal Court.
  2. Professor Roger Hood, a leading international expert on the death penalty, has summarized the trends in the following terms:[54]
“Between the drafting of the ICCPR and the present day there has been an enormous change in attitudes towards and state practices as regards capital punishment. Between 1957 and the end of March 2005 the number of abolitionist countries had increased from 19 to 94. Eighty-five of them (90 per cent) had abolished it completely for all offences in all circumstances, in peacetime and wartime, in civil and in military life. At least another 39 countries may be counted as abolitionist de facto (ADF), having not executed any persons for 10 years or more or having committed themselves more recently to cease executions, such as the Russian Federation, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. Altogether at least 24 – more than half – of these 39 countries appear fully committed never to carry out executions again, even though the death penalty remains for the time-being on their statute books. There were only 61 countries that were known to have executed any persons at all in the past 10 years and have not proclaimed a moratorium on executions – those that might be called ‘actively retentionist’. The pace of this change in recent years has been remarkable . . . In just 16 years the proportion of actively retentionist countries has fallen from 56 to 31 per cent and the abolitionists increased from 28 per cent to 49 per cent.”
  1. Hood argues that the provisions relating to the imposition of the death penalty contained in international instruments (in particular the requirement that capital punishment may be inflicted only for the “most serious” crimes) need to be interpreted in this context:
“The overall conclusion must be not only of a decline in the numbers of countries with the death penalty on their statute books, but even in the countries that have retained it, a decline in the frequency with which they have recourse to executions. In all but a handful of countries judicial executions take place only rarely. It is clear that the concept of ‘the most serious’ must be interpreted in the light of this movement towards a customary international legal culture that either opposes the death penalty completely or regards it as a sanction to be used only extremely rarely.”

The right to life under international law

  1. The right to life is guaranteed under a number of international human rights declarations and treaties, as well as under the Constitutions of most countries of the world, including Indonesia. It is generally accepted as being part of customary international law. This section briefly outlines the scope of the right to life as guaranteed in the ICCPR as part of the background necessary for analysing the extent to which the imposition of death penalty may be inconsistent with the Covenant.
  2. Article 3 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that “Everyone has the right to life . . .”. Article 6(1) of the ICCPR provides:
“Every human being has the inherent right to life. This right shall be protected by law. No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his life.”
  1. The right to life was seen by the drafters of the ICCPR as “the most fundamental right of all rights”,[55] and has been described by the Human Rights Committee as the “supreme right”.[56] As Nowak comments, “without effective guarantee of this right, all other rights of the human being would be devoid of meaning.”[57] He also notes[58] that
“[T]he special significance of the right to life is underlined by the adjective ‘inherent’ (‘inhérent’) , which is only used in Art. 6(1), and by the use of the (declaratory) present tense ‘has’ instead of ‘shall have’. With this wording . . . the majority of delegates in the 3d Committee of the [UN General Assembly] sought to give expression to the natural law basis of the right to life.”
  1. The special status of the right to life is also underlined by its inclusion as one of the small number of non-derogable rights in the ICCPR. Under Article 4 of the ICCPR, in situations of national emergency States parties are permitted to derogate from (that is, limit the enjoyment of) many of the rights guaranteed by the Covenant. However, the right to life guaranteed by Article 6 of the Covenant is one of the rights from which no derogation is permitted:[59]
“Article 4
1 . In time of public emergency which threatens the life of the nation and the existence of which is officially proclaimed, the States Parties to the present Covenant may take measures derogating from their obligations under the present Covenant to the extent strictly required by the exigencies of the situation, provided that such measures are not inconsistent with their other obligations under international law and do not involve discrimination solely on the ground of race, colour, sex, language, religion or social origin.
2. No derogation from articles 6, 7, 8 (paragraphs I and 2), 11, 15, 16 and 18 may be made under this provision.”
  1. In language which is apparently derived from the provisions of the ICCPR and is at least as broad as Article 4 of the ICCPR, Article 28I(1) of the Constitution of Indonesia also makes it clear that the right to life guaranteed under Article 28A of the Constitution is one of the rights which under Indonesian law “cannot be limited under any circumstances.”
  2. The right to life has a number of dimensions and it is well accepted under international law that the State has positive obligations in relation to protecting and promoting the right to life, as well as the obligation to refrain from taking life arbitrarily or permitting others to take an individual’s life arbitrarily.
  3. The right to life is not an absolute right – a person is entitled to have his or her right to life protected by law and must not be arbitrarily deprived of his or her life.[60] This means that there are certain circumstances in which a person may be lawfully and non-arbitrarily deprived of his or her life. Examples are the killing of a combatant during a period of armed conflict in accordance with the laws of armed conflict, or the use of deadly force in self-defence to protect oneself of another against the threatened or actual use of lethal force. The critical issue in these circumstances is that the law set out clearly and in some detail the circumstances in which such deprivation of life is not unlawful, and that the criteria chosen are themselves reasonable and proportionate to the goal pursued.[61]

The right to life, other rights and the death penalty under international law

  1. This Opinion does not purport to undertake a comprehensive examination of the death penalty and its permissibility under international. Its major focus is whether drug trafficking offences of the kind of which Scott Rush has been convicted fall within the category of “the most serious crimes” referred to in Article 6(2) of the ICCPR. If they do not do so – and it is my opinion that they do not – then the imposition of the death penalty in this case (and related cases) would be inconsistent with Indonesia’s obligations under the ICCPR.
  2. However, there are two additional matters that should be mentioned in this context. The first is that the guarantee against arbitrary deprivation of life is an umbrella guarantee. This means that, quite apart from the question of whether drug trafficking offences are among “the most serious crimes”, the imposition of the death penalty in such cases may still nevertheless be arbitrary and thus in violation of the ICCPR. This arbitrariness might arise from the fact that the primary rationale for the imposition of the death penalty in relation to drug offences (and other offences) is that of deterrence, but the sociological evidence provides little or no support for the assumed unique deterrent effect of the death penalty in relation to drug offences or other crimes.[62]
  3. Arbitrariness might also arise from the application of the death penalty in an individual case or group of cases – if, for example, persons who were guilty of particular offences received dramatically different sentences than those given to others convicted of offences of comparable culpability, the issue of arbitrariness and discrimination might arise. So, for example, if one person engaged in a drug smuggling operation were sentenced to death while others of comparable culpability were sentenced to life imprisonment or to a shorter jail sentence, the issue of arbitrariness under Article 6(1) would be in issue. A number of these matters will be addressed following the discussion of the issue of “the most serious crimes”.
  4. The second point is that, even if the imposition of the death penalty is consistent with Article 6, it may nevertheless violate other articles of the ICCPR. For example, it may be that the development of humanitarian thinking since the adoption of the ICCPR over 40 years ago justifies the conclusion that the imposition of the death penalty constitutes cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment, in violation of Article 7 of the ICCPR.[63] While an examination of international and domestic case law and the opinions of commentators on this issue shows that there is still disagreement as to whether capital punishment in itself is a violation of Article 7 (as opposed to being so in some circumstances such as the so-called “death row phenomenon”), there are a number of very significant recent judgments in which Constitutional Courts have held that the imposition of the death penalty is unconstitutional, either because it violated the right to life or the right not to be subjected to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.[64] The case in which there has been the most extensive review of the international and comparative national case law and other relevant material is the 1995 decision of the South African Constitutional Court in S v Makwanyane,[65] to which reference is made below.

Approach to interpreting Article 6

  1. The Human Rights Committee has stated that the right to life must not be narrowly or restrictively interpreted. This flows from its nature as the supreme human right. A consequence is that restrictions on the right to life – including the circumstances under which the State may take life – should be narrowly construed. Normally, the onus of justifying restrictions or limitations on rights, or showing that they are non-arbitrary, lies on the State, and in this case it would appear entirely appropriate that the State should be required to demonstrate both that its criteria and processes for authorizing the deprivation of life, and their application in a specific case, are non-arbitrary and fall within the provisions of Article 6(2) narrowly read.

The right to life and the death penalty under international law

  1. It is generally accepted that customary international law has not yet prohibited the death penalty, although there are many restrictions on when and how it may be imposed. The general position under international law is set out in the Safeguards guaranteeing protection of the rights of those facing the death penalty, adopted by the United Nations Economic and Social Council resolution 1984/50 of 25 May 1984, and referred to on many occasions in resolutions of the General Assembly and of other United Nations and international bodies. Article 1 of the Safeguards provides:
“In countries which have not abolished the death penalty, capital punishment may be imposed only for the most serious crimes, it being understood that their scope should not go beyond intentional crimes with lethal or other extremely grave consequences.”
  1. The Safeguards then go on to list the various substantive and procedural safeguards that must be observed, referring to the ICCPR and drawing on the substantive and procedural standards contained in that treaty.
  2. The United Nations Commission on Human Rights has also adopted a number of resolutions in which it called on member States which have not abolished capital punishment to observe the Safeguards, to progressively restrict the number of offences for which the death penalty may be imposed, to establish a moratorium on executions “with a view to completely abolishing the death penalty”, and “to ensure that the notion of ‘most serious crimes’ does not go beyond intentional crimes with lethal or extremely grave consequences and that the death penalty is not imposed for non-violent financial crimes or for non-violent religious practice or expression of conscience”.[66]
  3. The question of which offences fall within the scope of Article 1 of the Safeguards has been a matter of discussion. The Secretary-General’s report expressed the view that the requirement that “most serious crimes” be limited to “intentional crimes with lethal or other extremely grave consequences” means “the offences should be life-threatening, in the sense that this is a very likely consequence of the action.”[67] In its 2005 resolution on the subject of the death penalty, the Commission also called on States to ensure that the death penalty “is not imposed for non-violent acts such as financial crimes, religious practice or expression of conscience and sexual relations between consenting adults nor as a mandatory sentence”.[68] The implication is that the crimes included must be intentional crimes of violence which have an immediate life-threatening effect.

The position under the ICCPR

  1. The position under the ICCPR and the practice of the Human Rights Committee appears even clearer, particularly in relation to drug offences. Article 6 of the ICCPR provides:
“1. Every human being has the inherent right to life. This right shall be protected by law. No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his life.
2. In countries which have not abolished the death penalty, sentence of death may be imposed only for the most serious crimes in accordance with the law in force at the time of the commission of the crime and not contrary to the provisions of the present Covenant and to the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. This penalty can only be carried out pursuant to a final judgement rendered by a competent court.
3. When deprivation of life constitutes the crime of genocide, it is understood that nothing in this article shall authorize any State Party to the present Covenant to derogate in any way from any obligation assumed under the provisions of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide.
4. Anyone sentenced to death shall have the right to seek pardon or commutation of the sentence. Amnesty, pardon or commutation of the sentence of death may be granted in all cases.
5. Sentence of death shall not be imposed for crimes committed by persons below eighteen years of age and shall not be carried out on pregnant women.
6. Nothing in this article shall be invoked to delay or to prevent the abolition of capital punishment by any State Party to the present Covenant.”
  1. The phrase “the most serious crimes” is not specific, partly because at the time the Covenant was drafted, many States still retained the death penalty, and it was not possible at that time for them to agree on a list of offences which fall within the category.[69] In his analysis of the drafting context and the implications that we should draw from it, Hood comments:
“In these circumstances, it was hardly surprising that in seeking a consensus from countries, most of which still retained capital punishment, it was not possible to define more precisely those offences for which capital punishment could be retained. Certainly some countries would have preferred a clearer enumeration of the crimes for which it would remain permissible to impose the death penalty instead of relying on the concept of ‘most serious’. This is probably because they recognised that ‘most serious’ could be interpreted differently according to national culture, tradition and political complexion – the very antithesis of the notion of an attempt to create a universal declaration and definition of human rights.
It seems to me therefore, that it is not sensible to try to look to the wording of section 6(2) for any help in interpreting the offences to which capital punishment might still be applied in countries that have not abolished it. The term is a product only of its time. It was a ‘marker’ for the policy of moving towards abolition through restriction, nothing more specific than that. Indeed, it was long after section 6(2) had been drafted in 1957 that the General Assembly of the United Nations in Resolution 2857 of 1971 for the first time called specifically for ‘the progressive restriction of the number of offences for which the death penalty might be imposed, with a view to its abolition.’ It is noteworthy too that the resolution had to be repeated – reinforced – in 1977.
The very notion of ‘progressive restriction’ makes it clear that the degree of ‘seriousness’ that would justify the death penalty would need to be evaluated and re-evaluated always in a narrowing of definition until abolition was eventually achieved. In reaching judgements about what would be an acceptable use of the death penalty reference would need to be made not only to changes in the practices of nations as they affected the norms that defined acceptable forms and levels of state punishments, but also to the development of the concept of human rights itself. Just as an almost universally agreed norm has developed that juveniles should be exempted from capital punishment other norms are in process of being established – for example, that where the death penalty is enforced it should never be mandatory, allowing discretion for the circumstances of the case to be considered. Thus, the Human Rights Committee in Carpo v The Philippines (No. 1077/2002) held that the mandatory imposition of the death penalty for the broadly defined offence of murder by Article 48 of the Revised Penal Code of the Philippines violated Article 6 of the ICCPR. The same process of dynamic interpretation must be followed in the interpretation of the concept of ‘most serious’. . . .
[I]n 1984, the Economic and Social Council of the UN published ‘Safeguards Guaranteeing the Protection of the Rights of Those Facing the Death Penalty’. Safeguard 1 stipulated that the scope of the ‘most serious crimes’ ‘should not go beyond intentional crimes with lethal or other extremely grave consequences’. While this was some improvement it hardly went very far, as might be expected when the majority of countries still retained capital punishment at that time. The term ‘other extremely grave consequences’ was particularly open to broad interpretation. The Human Rights Committee of the UN has, of course, stated that this ‘must be read restrictively to mean that the death penalty should be a quite exceptional measure’ and in line with this has, in resolutions and judgments called for it not to be used for non-violent financial crimes, non-violent religious practices or expressions of conscience, for sexual relations between consenting adults, drug related offences, illicit sex, vague categories of offences relating to internal and external security and aggravated robbery where no death ensued.10
Recently, the Human Rights Committee with respect to Vietnam noted that, ‘notwithstanding the reduction of the number of crimes that carry the death penalty from 44 to 29’ it could be imposed for ‘opposition to order and national security violations’, both of which “are excessively vague and inconsistent with Article 6(2) of the Covenant’.
My own view is that countries that retain the death penalty should move to restrict it to the most serious offences of murder and thus I have recommended that Safeguard 1 should now read:
‘In countries which have not abolished the death penalty, capital punishment may be imposed only for the most serious offences of culpable homicide (murder), but it may not be mandatory for such crimes.’”

The principle of autonomous interpretation

  1. In this context it is important to note two general principles of treaty interpretation that have been affirmed on a number of occasions in the context of human rights treaties. The first is the principle of “autonomous interpretation”: this means that a term which appears in a treaty must be given an autonomous interpretation – the fact that a similar or identical term is used in domestic laws does not mean that the international term necessarily bears exactly the same meaning. The second principle is that, even though a State may have some discretion in determining how to implement a treaty obligation in its particular national context, ultimately it is for an international instance (a relevant international body) to make an objective and independent assessment in the light of the text and context of the relevant treaty provision of whether the obligation has been fulfilled. In other words, an individual State party cannot in general be the sole judge of what a treaty obligation means and whether it has been fulfilled in a particular case.
  2. This important in the context of interpreting the phrase “the most serious crimes” means under article 6 of the ICCPR (as well as under general international law). A State cannot simply designate a crime as belonging to the category of “the most serious crimes” and make its own assessment or classification the end of the matter: the crime in question needs to be looked at in the context of other crimes and the seriousness of the particular crime in the social context and in the light of international practice.
  3. The UN Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, Professor Philip Alston, has recently made this point in his report to the UN Human Rights Council:[70]
“It is clear that a subjective approach to this important issue is not viable, in the sense that a vast array of offences might understandably be classified by any given individual or Government as being among the ‘most serious’. But such an approach would render the relevant international law standard meaningless. As a result a systematic and normatively persuasive response is essential.“

The views of the Human Rights Committee on what constitutes “the most serious crimes”

  1. In its General comments, concluding observations and cases under the Optional Protocol over a number of years, the Human Rights Committee has developed a clear position on the death penalty and the category of the “most serious crimes”. In summary, the position of the Committee is that the phrase should be read narrowly, that the death penalty should be seen as an exceptional measure, and that it may only be imposed for intentional crimes of violence which have potential to be life-threatening. In particular, the Committee has taken the view that, notwithstanding their seriousness, drug offences do not fall within the category of the “most serious crimes”.
  2. The starting-point is the Committee’s General comment 6, adopted in 1982, in which it stated:
“6. While it follows from article 6 (2) to (6) that States parties are not obliged to abolish the death penalty totally they are obliged to limit its use and, in particular, to abolish it for other than the ‘most serious crimes’. Accordingly, they ought to consider reviewing their criminal laws in this light and, in any event, are obliged to restrict the application of the death penalty to the ‘most serious crimes’. The article also refers generally to abolition in terms which strongly suggest (paras. 2 (2) and (6)) that abolition is desirable. The Committee concludes that all measures of abolition should be considered as progress in the enjoyment of the right to life within the meaning of article 40, and should as such be reported to the Committee. The Committee notes that a number of States have already abolished the death penalty or suspended its application. Nevertheless, States’ reports show that progress made towards abolishing or limiting the application of the death penalty is quite inadequate.
7. The Committee is of the opinion that the expression ‘most serious crimes’ must be read restrictively to mean that the death penalty should be a quite exceptional measure. It also follows from the express terms of article 6 that it can only be imposed in accordance with the law in force at the time of the commission of the crime and not contrary to the Covenant. The procedural guarantees therein prescribed must be observed, including the right to a fair hearing by an independent tribunal, the presumption of innocence, the minimum guarantees for the defence, and the right to review by a higher tribunal. These rights are applicable in addition to the particular right to seek pardon or commutation of the sentence.”

The position of the Human Rights Committee as reflected in its consideration of State party reports

  1. In its Concluding Observations on the fourth periodic report of Iraq (1998), the Human Rights Committee stated that the imposition of the death penalty for “non-violent’’ infringements and economic crimes was contrary to protection of the right to life:[71]
“The Committee also notes with great concern the increase in the categories of crimes punishable by the death penalty . . . and that the new categories include non-violent and economic infringements. These measures are incompatible with Iraq's obligations under the Covenant to protect the right to life...”.
  1. In its Concluding Observations on the second periodic report of the Islamic Republic of Iran (1993), the Committee stated that “crimes that do not result in loss of life” should not be regarded as in the category of the “most serious crimes”: [72]
“In the light of the provision of article 6 of the Covenant, requiring States parties that have not abolished the death penalty to limit it to the most serious crimes, the Committee considers the imposition of that penalty for crimes of an economic nature, for corruption and for adultery, or for crimes that do not result in loss of life, as being contrary to the Covenant....”
  1. Similarly, in its Concluding Observations on the third periodic report of Libya (1998), the Committee noted that it is not permissible to impose the death penalty on persons who have been charged with offences of “corrupting society”, nor should the death penalty apply to political or economic offences:[73]
“The Committee is particularly concerned about the excessively vague wording of article 4 of the Promotion of Freedom Act, which stipulates that the death penalty may be imposed ‘on a person whose life endangers or corrupts society’ and similar wording in the Great Green Document, thus leading to the imposition in the State party of the death penalty for offences which cannot be characterized as the most serious, including political and economic offences, in violation of article 6, par. 2., of the Covenant. . . .”
  1. In its Concluding Observations on the second periodic report of Vietnam (2002), the Committee stated that crimes which undermine state order do not fall within the category of “the most serious crimes” contained in article 6(2):[74]
“Notwithstanding the reduction in the number of crimes that carry the death penalty, from 44 to 29, the Committee remains concerned with the large number of crimes for which the death penalty may still be imposed. The penalty does not appear to be restricted only to those crimes that are considered as the most serious ones. In this respect, the Committee considers that the definition of certain acts such as opposition to order and national security violations, for which the death penalty may be imposed, are excessively vague and are inconsistent with article 6, paragraph 2, of the Covenant.”
  1. In its Concluding Observations on the initial report of Algeria (1992), the Committee stated it was not permissible under the Covenant to impose the death penalty for economic offences:[75]
“...The Committee further considers that, in the light of the provision of article 6 requiring States parties which have not abolished the death penalty to reserve it for the most serious crimes, it is contrary to the Covenant to impose the death penalty for crimes which are of an economic nature.”
  1. In its Concluding Observations on the third periodic report of Cameroon (1999), the Committee noted that secession, espionage and incitement of war should not be punishable by death:[76]
“...The Committee recognizes that no death sentences have been carried out during the period under review, but is concerned that the death penalty is still being imposed, and that some of the crimes still punishable by the death penalty, such as secession, espionage or incitement to war are loosely defined...
The State party is urged to ensure that the death penalty may be imposed only for the most serious crimes and to consider abolishing capital punishment altogether. . ..”

The position of the Human Rights Committee as reflected in its decisions under the Optional Protocol

  1. There are a number of cases in which the Human Rights Committee has considered challenges to death sentences on the ground that they violated Article 6 of the ICCPR. The cases relevant to the present discussion mainly concern the imposition of mandatory sentences, but they also provide further evidence of the Committee’s view that the death sentence may only be permissibly imposed for the intentional infliction of potentially lethal violence.
  2. There is no question that the Human Rights Committee considers that intentional homicide would fall within the category of the most serious crimes. In Cox v Canada (1994), a case involving an extradition request in relation to charges of first-degree murder. The Committee noted:[77]
“Among the requirements of article 6, paragraph 2, is that capital punishment be imposed only for the most serious crimes, in circumstances not contrary to the Covenant and other instruments, and that it be carried out pursuant to a final judgment rendered by a competent court. The Committee notes that Mr. Cox is to be tried for complicity in two murders, undoubtedly very serious crimes...”
  1. However, in Lubuto v Zambia (1995) the Committee considered a case in which there was a challenge to the imposition of a mandatory death sentence for armed robbery in a case in which the use of firearms had not resulted in the killing or wounding of anyone. The Committee concluded that the crime in that case did not fall within the category of “the most serious offences” under Article 6(2):[78]
“...The issue that must accordingly be decided is whether the sentence in the instant case is compatible with article 6, paragraph 2, of the Covenant, which allows for the imposition of the death penalty only "for the most serious crimes". Considering that in this case use of firearms did not produce the death or wounding of any person and that the court could not under the law take these elements into account in imposing sentence, the Committee is of the view that the mandatory imposition of the death sentence under these circumstances violates article 6, paragraph 2, of the Covenant.”
  1. Similarly, in Kennedy v Trinidad and Tobago (2002), the Committee took the view that the mandatory imposition of a death sentence in case in which a person commits a felony involving violence which results inadvertently in the death of a person was not consistent with Article 6(2):[79]
“The Committee notes that the mandatory imposition of the death penalty under the laws of Trinidad and Tobago is based solely on the particular category of crime of which the accused person is found guilty. Once that category has been found to apply, no room is left to consider the personal circumstances of the accused or the particular circumstances of the offence. In the case of Trinidad and Tobago, the Committee notes that the death penalty is mandatory for murder, and that it may be and in fact must be imposed in situations where a person commits a felony involving personal violence and where this violence results even inadvertently in the death of the victim. The Committee considers that this system of mandatory capital punishment would deprive the author of his right to life, without considering whether, in the particular circumstances of the case, this exceptional form of punishment is compatible with the provisions of the Covenant. The Committee accordingly is of the opinion that there has been a violation of article 6, paragraph 1, of the Covenant.”
  1. In Chisanga v Zambia (2005),[80] the Committee held that the imposition of the death penalty in a case in which the victim was shot in the thigh but there was no loss of life violated Article 6 of the ICCPR:

.

“7.4 As to the author's claim that the crime for which he was sentenced to death, namely aggravated robbery in which a firearm was used, is not one of the ‘most serious crimes’ within the meaning of article 6, paragraph 2, of the Covenant, the Committee recalls that the expression ‘most serious crimes’ must be read restrictively and that death penalty should be an exceptional measure. It refers to its jurisprudence in another case concerning the State party, where it found that the mandatory imposition of the death penalty for aggravated robbery with use of firearms violated article 6, paragraph 2 of the Covenant. The Committee notes that the mandatory imposition of the death penalty under the laws of the State party is based solely upon the category of crime for which the offender is found guilty, without giving the judge any margin to evaluate the circumstances of the particular offence. The death penalty is mandatory for all cases of aggravated robbery with the use of firearms. The Committee considers that this mechanism of mandatory capital punishment would deprive the author of the benefit of the most fundamental of rights, the right to life, without considering whether this exceptional form of punishment could be appropriate in the circumstances of his case. In the present case, the Committee notes that, although the victim of the crime was shot in the thigh, it did not result in loss of life and finds that the imposition of death penalty in this case violated the author's right to life protected by article 6 of the Covenant.”
  1. It is evident from the above that the clear position of Human Rights Committee is that Article 6(2) of the ICCPR restricts the imposition of the death penalty to cases involving the intentional infliction of potentially lethal violence. Nowak notes:[81]
“Although the jurisprudence of the Committee in individual cases primarily relates to mandatory capital punishment, the conclusion has been drawn in its interpretation of the term ‘most serious crimes’ in Art. 6(2), above all in the State reporting procedure, might be confined to intentional killings and the intentional infliction of grievous bodily harm”.
  1. In a recent examination of the issue by the UN Special Rapporteur on Extradjudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Executions, the Special Rapporteur, Professor Philip Alston, summarised his analysis of the practice of the Human Rights Committee and other UN bodies on this issue in the following terms:[82]
“First, the [Human Rights] Committee has thus far only found cases involving murder not to raise concerns under the most serious crimes provision. Second, it has consistently rejected the imposition of a death sentence for offences that do not result in the loss of life. Third, the Committee’s conclusion that the death penalty may not be mandatory even for murder suggests that a most serious offence must involve, at a minimum, intentional acts of violence resulting in the death of a person. Indeed, the Committee and the Commission have rejected nearly every imaginable category of offence other than murder as falling outside the ambit of the most serious crimes.
53. The conclusion to be drawn from a thorough and systematic review of the jurisprudence of all of the principal United Nations bodies charged with interpreting these provisions is that the death penalty can only be imposed in such a way that it complies with the stricture that it must be limited to the most serious crimes, in cases where it can be shown that there was an intention to kill which resulted in the loss of life.”
  1. The logical consequence of this is that drug offences (including drug trafficking) would not fall within the category of the “most serious crimes” and that imposing capital punishment for such crimes would be a violation of the Covenant.

The Human Rights Committee, drug offences and the right to life

  1. In addition to its more general pronouncements, the Human Rights Committee has in fact directly addressed the issue of the death penalty and drug offences on a number of occasions. For example, in its Concluding Observations on the third periodic report of Sri Lanka (1995), the Committee stated:[83]
“With reference to article 6 of the Covenant, the Committee is concerned that under Sri Lankan law, the death penalty may be imposed for crimes such as abetting suicide, drug-related offences, and certain offences against property. Some of these offences do not appear to be the most serious offences under article 6 of the Covenant...”.
  1. In its Concluding Observations of the Human Rights Committee on the initial report of Thailand (2005), the position of the Committee in relation to drug offences and the death penalty is made clear:[84]
“14. The Committee notes with concern that the death penalty is not restricted to the ‘most serious crimes’ within the meaning of article 6, paragraph 2, and is applicable to drug trafficking. The Committee regrets that, despite the amendment in 2003 of the Penal Code, which prohibits imposition of the death penalty on persons below 18 years of age, the State party has not yet withdrawn its declaration to the Covenant on article 6, paragraph 5 (art. 6).
The State party should review the imposition of the death penalty for offences related to drug trafficking in order to reduce the categories of crime punishable by death. The State party should also consider the withdrawal of its declaration on article 6, paragraph 5, of the Covenant.”
  1. A number of members of the Committee also considered the issue in the context of an individual complaint brought against Australia. In Mrs. G.T v Australia[85] the Committee had before it the issue of whether Australia would breach its obligations under Article 6 by repatriating a Malaysian national to face drug charges, for which the death penalty was mandatory in Malaysia. The majority of the Committee decided that there was not sufficient evidence to conclude that there was a real risk that the person would be prosecuted under Malaysian law and face the death penalty if he was returned, and thus they did not need to address the issue of whether deportation of a person to face a possible death penalty for drug offences would be inconsistent with Article 6(2). However, Messrs Klein and Kretzmer considered that there was sufficient evidence to conclude that there was a real risk of prosecution (and the imposition of a capital sentence). They stated:
“In the light of the above we are forced to conclude that there is a real risk that T. will face a death sentence if he is deported to Malaysia. We are therefore of the opinion that by deporting T. the State party would violate its obligation to ensure his right to life under article 6 of the Covenant...”
  1. It appears to be implicit in this conclusion that, in these members’ view, execution for drugs offences (in this case involving possession of 240g of heroin) would violate Article 6(2) of the ICCPR, although the mandatory nature of the death sentence would in any event involve a violation of Article 6 of the Covenant.

CONCLUSION ON DRUG OFFENCES, THE DEATH PENALTY AND
ARTICLE 6(2)

  1. The practice of the Human Rights Committee clearly establishes that only offences involving the intentional infliction of violence with potentially lethal consequences fall within the category of the “most serious crimes” under article 6(2) of the ICCPR for which the death penalty may be imposed. It is thus clear – and explicitly stated by the Human Rights Committee – that drug offences, including drug trafficking offences, would not fall within this category.
  2. Accordingly, for Indonesia to impose the death penalty for drug offences would amount to a violation of its international legal obligations under the ICCPR.


H. OTHER ASPECTS OF THE RIGHT TO LIFE and the DEATH PENALTY

  1. Justice Mahomed of the Constitutional Court of South Africa has set out in eloquent terms the nature of both the death penalty and the exercise of constitutional review in which this Court, along with constitutional courts in other countries, has to grapple. In S v Makwanyane[86] he wrote:
“[265] The death penalty sanctions the deliberate annihilation of life. As I have previously said, it
‘is the ultimate and the most incomparably extreme form of punishment... It is the last, the most devastating and the most irreversible recourse of the criminal law, involving as it necessarily does, the planned and calculated termination of life itself; the destruction of the greatest and most precious gift which is bestowed on all humankind’ (S v Mhlongo [2014] ZASCA 152; 1994 (1) SACR 584(A) at 587 e-g).
This ‘planned and calculated termination of life itself’ was permitted in the past which preceded the Constitution. Is it now permissible? Those responsible for the enactment of the Constitution, could, if they had so wished, have treated the issue as a substantially political and moral issue justifying a political choice, clearly expressed in the Constitution, either retaining or prohibiting the death sentence. They elected not to do so, leaving it to this Court to resolve the issue, as a constitutional issue.
[266] The difference between a political election made by a legislative organ and decisions reached by a judicial organ, like the Constitutional Court, is crucial. The legislative organ exercises a political discretion, taking into account the political preferences of the electorate which votes political decision-makers into office. Public opinion therefore legitimately plays a significant, sometimes even decisive, role in the resolution of a public issue such as the death penalty. The judicial process is entirely different. What the Constitutional Court is required to do in order to resolve an issue, is to examine the relevant provisions of the Constitution, their text and their context; the interplay between the different provisions; legal precedent relevant to the resolution of the problem both in South Africa and abroad; the domestic common law and public international law impacting on its possible solution; factual and historical considerations bearing on the problem; the significance and meaning of the language used in the relevant provisions; the content and the sweep of the ethos expressed in the structure of the Constitution; the balance to be struck between different and sometimes potentially conflicting considerations reflected in its text; and by a judicious interpretation and assessment of all these factors to determine what the Constitution permits and what it prohibits.. . .
[269] [I]t is possible to approach the constitutionality of the death sentence by
a question with a sharper and narrower focus, thus:
‘Does the right to life guaranteed by section 9, include the right of every person, not to be deliberately killed by the State, through a systematically planned act of execution sanctioned by the State as a mode of punishment and performed by an executioner remunerated for this purpose from public funds?’
The answer to that question, is in my view: ’Yes, every person has that right’. It immediately distinguishes that right from some other obvious rights referred to in
argument, such as for example the right of a person in life-threatening circumstances to take the life of the aggressor in self-defence or even the acts of the State, in confronting an insurrection or in the course of War.
[270] The deliberate annihilation of the life of a person, systematically planned by the State, as a mode of punishment, is wholly and qualitatively different. It is not like the act of killing in self-defence, an act justifiable in the defence of the clear right of the victim to the preservation of his life. It is not performed in a state of sudden emergency, or under the extraordinary pressures which operate when insurrections are confronted or when the State defends itself during War. It is systematically planned long after - sometimes years after - the offender has committed the offence for which he is to be punished, and whilst he waits impotently in custody, for his date with the hangman. In its obvious and awesome finality, it makes every other right, so vigorously and eloquently guaranteed by Chapter 3 of the Constitution, permanently impossible to enjoy. Its inherently irreversible consequence, makes any reparation or correction impossible, if subsequent events establish, as they have sometimes done, the innocence of the executed or circumstances which demonstrate manifestly that he did not deserve the sentence of death.
[271] The death sentence must, in some measure, manifest a philosophy of indefensible despair in its execution, accepting as it must do, that the offender it seeks to punish is so beyond the pale of humanity as to permit of no rehabilitation, no reform, no repentance, no inherent spectre of hope or spirituality; nor the slightest possibility that he might one day, successfully and deservedly be able to pursue and to enjoy the great rights of dignity and security and the fundamental freedoms protected in Chapter 3 of the Constitution, the exercise of which is possible only if the ‘right to life’ is not destroyed. The finality of the death penalty allows for none of these redeeming possibilities. It annihilates the potential for their emergence. Moreover, it cannot accomplish its objective without invading in a very deep and distressing way, the guarantee of human dignity afforded by section 10 of the Constitution, as the person sought to be executed spends long periods in custody, anguished by the prospect of being ‘hanged by the neck until he is dead’ in the language of section 279(4) of Act 51 of 1977. The invasion of his dignity is inherent. He is effectively told: ‘You are beyond the pale of humanity. You are not fit to live among humankind. You are not entitled to life. You are not entitled to dignity. You are not human. We will therefore annihilate your life’. (See the observations of Brennan J in Trop v Dulles 356 US 84 at 100).”
[272] It is not necessarily only the dignity of the person to be executed which is invaded. Very arguably the dignity of all of us, in a caring civilization, must be compromised, by the act of repeating, systematically and deliberately, albeit for a wholly different objective, what we find to be so repugnant in the conduct of the offender in the first place (see Furman v Georgia [1972] USSC 170; 408 US 238 at 273 (1972)(Brennan J, concurring)).”

Arbitrariness

  1. The question of whether the imposition of the death penalty is arbitrary in drug trafficking cases – or indeed in other cases – and thus consistent with Article 6(1) requires in the first place an examination of the purpose for which it is inflicted and whether the death penalty is a proportionate and rational means of pursuing that purpose, in light of the importance of the right to life.
  2. The primary ground advanced to support the death penalty is that it has a deterrent effect and thus contributes to the reduction in the commission of serious crime.[87] The critical issue here is whether the death penalty has some significant unique deterrent effect that lesser sentences such as imprisonment for life or for a lengthy period do not have.[88] If a lengthy period of imprisonment has the same deterrent effect as the death penalty, then there would appear to be little justification for depriving someone of the supreme human right when the goal could be achieved by a less heavy sentence.
  3. There is no doubt that the goal of the prevention of homicide and other serious offences against the person, as well as the elimination of drug trafficking, are legitimate and important social goals, and that it is permissible (indeed, even obligatory) for the State to pursue these goals by means of appropriate criminal laws and sanctions. The critical question is whether the death penalty is a proportionate and justifiable measure in the fight against serious crime, in the present context drug trafficking.
  4. The question of the deterrent effect of the death sentence has been a contentious issue for many years. Intuitively, many officials, legislators, courts and members of the public assume that the because of its severity and finality, the death sentence must have a significant deterrent effect, and capital punishment statutes have often been adopted on the basis of such instinctive judgments.
  5. The extensive research that has been done over the last 40 years does not support these assumptions. The criminological literature does not provide support for the proposition that capital punishment has a unique deterrent effect.
  6. The question thus arises of how these studies relate to the question of whether the imposition of the death penalty is non-arbitrary. As noted above, under international law the onus generally lies on the State to demonstrate that a limitation or restriction is justifiable or is non-arbitrary;[89] the role of this Court is thus to assess whether the government has clearly demonstrated the unique deterrent effect of the death penalty, either generally or for drug offences.
  7. I do not purport to be an expert in the criminological literature and I understand that expert evidence on this issue may be before the Constitutional Court. However, I wish to draw the attention of the members of the Court to a number of recent writings on the subject.
  8. In an October 2004 study by two criminologists in the School of Social Science and Policy at the University of New South Wales, Janet Chan and Deborah Oxley, reviewed the results of 74 research projects carried out between 1952 and 2003 on the deterrent effect of the death penalty (in particular the marginal deterrent effect, compared with other possible sanctions).[90] The authors concluded:[91]
“The efficacy of capital punishment as a deterrent against crime, as this review of the literature shows, is still a vexed question among researchers almost thirty years after the publication of Ehrlich’s [...] econometric model. The weight of the research evidence, covering different jurisdictions at different time periods, still favours the ‘no deterrence’ conclusion.”
  1. In a recent collection of essays on the death penalty, one of the editors, Peter Hodgkinson, comments:[92]
“Deterrence claims for the death penalty make occasional appearances in the academic literature and more often in the rhetoric of activists and politicians who favour capital punishment, prompting equally ill-informed rebuttals from the anti-lobby. Most informed debate has put the deterrence justification on one side because it provides more heat than light and is essentially a distraction and a political ploy that serves only to raise the hopes of an electorate fearful of crime who are receptive to any solutions on offer.”
  1. Hodgkinson quotes conclusions by Professor Roger Hood, Director of the Centre for Criminological Research at Oxford University and perhaps the leading international criminological expert on the death penalty:[93]
“’[T]he issue is not whether the death penalty deters some people, but whether, when all the circumstances surrounding the use of capital punishment are taken into account, it is a more effective deterrent than the alternative sanction: most usually imprisonment for life or very long indeterminate periods of confinement.’ He concludes ’that econometric analyses have not provided evidence from which it would be prudent to infer that capital punishment has any marginally greater deterrent effect than alternative penalties.’It is futile therefore for such states to retain the death penalty on the grounds that it is justified as a deterrent measure of unique effectiveness.’”
  1. In the third edition of his leading treatise on the death penalty, after a detailed review of the various empirical studies, Hood concludes:[94]
“However, the absence of sufficient controls, when taken in conjunction with the other problems mentioned above, should lean any dispassionate analyst to conclude from the findings to these studies that it is not prudent to accept the hypothesis that capital punishment deters murder to a marginally greater extent than does the threat and application of the supposedly lesser punishment of life imprisonment. Indeed, it is quite incorrect to conclude, when statistically significant negative coefficients have been found, that they constitute proof of deterrence as such. They may be consistent with a deterrent hypothesis, but there are often alternative explanations. ..
It has been astutely pointed out that the data analysed so far ‘are not sufficiently strong to lead researchers with different prior beliefs to reach consensus regarding the deterrent effects of capital punishment’. The implications of this conclusion for policy depend ultimately on moral and political views of what standards of proof are required. Most of those who favour abolition (assuming that they are not opposed to capital punishment under any circumstances) would demand proof that executions have a substantial deterrent effect. . . .”
  1. To the extent that it is important to identify the standard that should be applied in assessing the weight to be given to social science evidence compared to the views of others, Justice Bhagwati in Bachan Singh noted:[95]
“[328] It is of course true that there are some penologists, judges, jurists, legislators and other people who believe that death penalty acts as a greater deterrent but it would not be correct to say that they form a large segment of the population. The enlightened opinion in the world, [329] as pointed out by me, is definitely veering round in favour of abolition of death penalty. Moreover, it is not a rational conviction but merely an unreasoned belief which is entertained by some people including a few penologists, judges, jurists and legislators that death penalty has a uniquely deterrent effect. When you ask these persons as to what is the reason why they entertain this belief, they will not be able to give any convincing answer beyond stating that basically every human being dreads death and therefore death would naturally act as a greater deterrent than life imprisonment.
  1. In that case Justice Bhagwati undertook an extensive review of the then available studies on the deterrent effect of capital punishment in relation to the crime of murder, concluded:[96]
“The evidence on whether the threat of death penalty has a deterrent effect beyond the threat of life sentence is therefore overwhelmingly on one side. Whatever be the measurement yardstick adopted and howsoever sharpened may be the analytical instruments they have not been able to discover any special deterrent effect. Even regression analysis, the most sophisticated of these instruments after careful application by the scholarly community, has failed to detect special deterrent effect in death penalty which is not to be found in life imprisonment.”
  1. The South African Constitutional Court in S v Makwanyane came to a similar conclusion that the evidence did not show that the death penalty posed any unique deterrent effect. In his separate concurring judgment (on this issue and in the result), Mahomed J wrote:
“[285] The most plausible argument in support of the submission that the death penalty does satisfy these onerous conditions prescribed by section 33 is the submission that it acts as a deterrent. That argument has dominated perceptions in support of the death penalty, both in South Africa and abroad.
[286] It must readily be conceded that if it could be established that the death sentence does indeed deter the commission of serious offences in respect of which the death penalty is a competent sentence, it would indeed be a very relevant and at least a potentially persuasive consideration in support of its justification in terms of section 33. There are, however, some serious difficulties involved in the acceptance of the proposition that the death penalty is, or ever has been, a demonstrable deterrence.
[287] The legitimacy of the argument must to a substantial degree be premised on an assumption which appears to me to be fallacious and at the least, highly speculative and rationally unconvincing. That assumption is that a criminal, contemplating the commission of a serious offence, weighs the risk that he might be sentenced to death against the risk that he might not be sentenced to death but only to a long term of imprisonment of twenty years or more. The assumption is that he would decide to commit the offence even at the risk of receiving a long term of imprisonment but that if the death sentence was the risk, he would refrain from committing the offence at all. I have serious difficulties with these assumptions. In the first place they are not supported by any empirical evidence or research in this country or abroad. Secondly, this argument attributes to the offender a capacity for reflection and contemplation and a maturity of analysis which appears to me to be unrealistic. Thirdly, and more fundamentally, it ignores what is possibly the real factor in any risk assessment which might activate a potentially serious offender: the risk which he considers is that he will not be caught. If he believed that there was a real risk of being apprehended, charged and convicted he would not willingly assume the prospect of many years of quite punishing imprisonment.
[288] If, as I believe, such offenders commit the crimes contemplated because of a belief that they will probably not be apprehended at all, it is a belief which is regrettably justified. On the information that was common cause in argument before us, sixty or seventy percent of offenders who commit serious crimes are not apprehended at all and a substantial proportion of those who are, are never convicted. The risk is therefore worth taking, not because the death penalty would, in the perception of the offender, not be imposed but because no punishment is likely to result at all. . . . [O]n the available evidence, it is facile to assume that the retention of the death penalty will provide the deterrence which is clearly needed. I have analysed such statistics as were debated in argument. In comparisons between States in the United States of America which retained the death penalty and those which did not, there is no manifest proof that the rate of serious crime was greater in the States which did not sanction capital punishment. In the case of those which did abolish capital punishment, there was no convincing proof that the rate of serious crime was greater after such act of abolition . . .
[289] Following a survey of research findings the United Nations concluded that -
"this research has failed to provide scientific proof that executions have a greater deterrent effect than life imprisonment - such proof is unlikely to be following. The evidence as a whole still gives no possible support to the deterrent hypothesis". (United Nations: The Question of the Death Penalty and the New Contributions of Criminal Science to the Matter (1988) at 110).
. . .
[293] Bringing to bear upon the issue, therefore, a rational and judicial judgment, I have not been persuaded that the fear of the death penalty rationally or practically operates as a demonstrable deterrent for offenders seeking to perpetrate serious crimes. It remains, for the reasons I have previously discussed, an impermissibly cruel invasion of rights, the sustenance of which is fundamental to a defensible civilization, protected in South Africa by the ethos of a Constitution, which is manifestly humanistic and caring in its content.
. . .
[295] On a judicial application of all the relevant considerations and the facts made available to us, I therefore cannot conclude that the State has successfully established that the death penalty per se has any deterrent effect on the potential perpetrators of serious offences.”
  1. A number of other Constitutional Courts have concluded that there is no convincing evidence that the death penalty has a unique deterrent effect.[97]

Judicial consideration of the death penalty in the region

  1. As noted out the outset of this Opinion, this case is one of fundamental importance for the international community’s understanding of the relationship between modern human rights standards and organized killing by the State in the form of the death penalty.
  2. To the best of my knowledge, the major judicial examinations of the question in the Asian region by the courts of countries which are parties to the ICCPR have been in India and the Philippines. In India, in the 1982 case of Bachan Singh v State of Punjab[98] a majority of a 5-judge constitutional bench of the Supreme Court of India upheld the constitutionality of the discretionary death penalty and its consistency in certain circumstances with the ICCPR. The Court has followed that case on subsequent occasions, though it has consistently taken the view set out by the majority in Bachan Singh (who upheld the constitutionality of the death penalty in relation to certain offences of murder) that the death penalty may only be imposed in the “rarest of the rare” cases [99]
“A real and abiding concern for the dignity of human life postulates resistance to taking a life through law's instrumentality. That ought not to be done save in the rarest of rare cases when the alternative option is unquestionably foreclosed.”
  1. The Court reiterated this standard in Machhi Singh v State of Punjab,[100] in which a 3-judge bench of the Supreme Court followed the decision in Bachan Singh and observed that
“in [the] rarest of rare cases when collective conscience of the community is so shocked that it will expect the holders of the judicial power centre to inflict death penalty irrespective of their personal opinion as regards desirability or otherwise of retaining death penalty.”
  1. The Supreme Court has struck down various provisions of the penal code imposing the death penalty on a number of grounds.[101]
  2. In the Philippines in the 1998 case of Echegeray v Secretary of Justice[102] a majority of the Supreme Court of the Philippines upheld the death penalty in relation to certain offences of murder and its consistency in certain cases with the ICCPR, and has followed that case subsequently. In that case as well there were powerful dissenting judgments. However, in 2006 the Philippines Congress abolished the death penalty by legislation.
  3. The Court of Appeal of Singapore has upheld the constitutionality of the death penalty in recent cases.[103] However, in doing so, it essentially relied on the decision of the Privy Council in Ong Ah Chuan v Public Prosecutor[104] in the early 1980s. Ong Ah Chuan has effectively been overruled by subsequent decisions of the Privy Council, and its reasoning depended on assumptions about the deterrent effect of the death penalty which are unfounded and applied notions of equality and arbitrariness which do not reflect current international human rights law. The Privy Council did not, of course, have the benefit of the important developments in the last decade or so relating to the legality of the death penalty under national and international law. The Malaysian courts have also followed Ong Ah Chuan in upholding the constitutionality of the death penalty.[105]
  4. Neither Singapore nor Malaysia is a party to the ICCPR. Accordingly, while the decisions of those courts may be relevant in determining the extent of customary international law on the issue, they are of limited relevance to the question of the consistency of the death penalty with the ICCPR.
  5. The leading judicial examination of the legality of the death penalty with regard to modern developments in international law continues to be the judgment of the Constitutional Court of South Africa in S v Makwanyane[106] -- referred to earlier in this Opinion -- which held the death penalty to be inconsistent with the Constitution of South Africa and international human rights standards.

PART 4: CONCLUSION

I. CONCLUSION

146. The analysis set out above shows that, in my opinion:

(a) the denial to a non-citizen of access to the Constitutional Court to challenge the constitutionality of the law under which he has been sentenced to death, would constitute a violation of Indonesia’s international legal obligations under customary international law, the ICCPR and the CERD Convention to ensure equality and non-discrimination; and

(b) the imposition of the death penalty for drug offences would not be consistent with Indonesia’s obligations under the ICCPR not to impose the death penalty for offences other than “the most serious offences”, and would also arguably violate the prohibition on the “arbitrary” deprivation of life.

  1. Under international law, the organs of the Indonesian State (including this Court) have a duty to ensure that a violation does not arise, or if it does, that a remedy for that violation is available. One option may be to declare Article 51 of the Law on the Constitutional Court invalid insofar as it purports to restrict non-citizens from raising their constitutional claims before the Court, or to apply the provision flexibly (as has been done by the Court in its judgment in the challenge to Article 50 of the Law on the Constitutional Court). If that were done, then any violation of articles 2, 1 and 26 of the ICCPR would have been avoided.
  2. In relation to the imposition of the death penalty, it would appear that an option would be to declare the provisions of the Narcotics Law which provided for the imposition of the death penalty unconstitutional, while preserving the other penalties which are available under the Law.
  3. The question of whether it is possible for the Constitutional Court to deal with this issues so that a violation of the ICCPR does not arise, is primarily an issue of Indonesian law. However, the international law is clear – that access to the Court should be available to non-citizens, and the death penalty should not be imposed for the crimes in question.

***


[1] This is a revised version of the Opinion submitted to the Constitutional Court of the Republic Indonesia in April 2007 (Andrew Byrnes, Opinion on International Legal Issues arising out of proceedings before the Constitutional Court to challenge the constitutionality of provisions of the Narcotics Law authorising imposition of the death penalty, 23 April 2007). The revisions involve the omission of material relating to the qualifications of the author as an expert witness. I would like to express my thanks to Ms Julia Mansour, law student at the UNSW Faculty of Law, for her assistance with the research on which this opinion is based. The opinion was prepared at the request of the legal advisers for Scott Rush, one of the petitioners in the case.
[2] Jakarta: Secretariat General, 2003.
[3] English version published by the National Narcotic Board), available at http://www.aseansec.org/Law%20of%20the%20Republic%20of%20Indonesia%20Number%2022,%20Year%201997%20on%20Narcotics.doc (visited 20 March 2007).
[4] Unofficial translation available at http://hrli.alrc.net/mainfile.php/indonleg/133/
[5] http://www.indonesia-ottawa.org/indonesia/law_treaties.php (unofficial translation) (visited 14 April 2007)

[6] See Articles on State Responsibility, arts 12-15
[7] Article 2(2) of the ICCPR makes specific provision for this obligation in the context of that treaty.
[8] See International Law Commission, Articles on State Responsibility (2001), article 4:

“Article 4

Conduct of organs of a State

1. The conduct of any State organ shall be considered an act of that State under

international law, whether the organ exercises legislative, executive, judicial or any other

functions, whatever position it holds in the organization of the State, and whatever its

character as an organ of the central government or of a territorial unit of the State.”

See International Court of Justice, Difference relating to immunity from legal process of a Special Rapporteur of the Commission on Human Rights, Advisory Opinion of 29 April 1999 (failure by Malaysian courts to recognize immunity from suit of a UN special rapporteur following executive’s failure to inform it of UN Secretary-General’s views on the matter gave rise to a violation of Malaysia’s international obligations).
[9] Human Rights Committee, General comment 31, para 4
[10] UN Doc CAT/C/47/Add.3, at paras 4 and 45 (2001)
[11] UN Doc CERD/C/IDN/3, at para 94 (2006)

[12] Convention (No 105) concerning the Abolition of Forced Labour, ratified by Law No. 19 of 1999; Convention (No 138) concerning Minimum Age for Admission to Employment, ratified by Law No 20 of 1999; Convention (No 111) concerning Discrimination in Respect of Employment and Occupation, ratified by Law No 21 of 1999; Convention (No 87) concerning Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organize, ratified by Presidential Decree No 83 of 1998; Convention (No. 100) concerning Equal Remuneration, ratified by Law No 80 of 1957; Convention (No 98) concerning Right to Organize and Collective Bargaining, ratified by Law No 18 of 1956; Convention (No 29) of 1930 concerning Forced Labour, ratified by Staatsblad No 261 of 1933.
[13] Commitment and voluntary pledges of Indonesia in the field of Human Rights, Diplomatic Note No 306/SOC-101/IV/06 from the Permanent Mission of the Republic of Indonesia to the United Nations New York to the Secretariat of the United Nations General Assembly, 28 April 2006, pp 2, 3, available at http://www.un.org/ga/60/elect/hrc/indonesia.pdf (visited 12 April 2007)
[14] It was on that date that Indonesia, as a matter of international law, became formally legally bound as a matter of treaty law by the all obligations it has accepted under the ICCPR, although most of these would in any case have already been binding on Indonesia as part of customary international law.
[15] As of 13 March 2007, there were 109 States parties to the First Optional Protocol.
[16] As of 13 March 2007, there were 60 States parties to the Second Optional Protocol.
[17] Other important sources include interpretations by the International Court of Justice or other judicial bodies of the relevant provisions, the interpretation by regional human rights bodies of similar guarantees in regional treaties on human rights, eg the judgments of the European and Inter-American Courts of Human Rights, and the African and Inter-American Commissions. The decisions of national courts may also prove useful. Many of these are readily available on-line through the World Legal Information Institute: www.worldlii.org.
[18] Tangiora v Wellington District Legal Services Committee [1999] UKPC 42; [2000] 1 NZLR 17, at 21 (Privy Council)
[19] See also the judgment of Judge Robert (dissenting as to the result) in Gosselin v Quebec, Quebec Court of Appeal, 23 April 1999, at 223, referring to the output of the counterpart of the Human Rights Committee under the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights:

"Notons que si les conclusions et recommandations du Comité n'ont pas de caractère contraignant, elles n'en refletent pas moins l'opinion du seul organ d'experts chargé de faire des declarations de cette nature."

[20] The General comments and General recommendations adopted by the various committees up until mid-2006 have been consolidated in UN Doc HRI/GEN/1/Rev 8 (2006), available at http://www.ohchr.org/english/bodies/icm-mc/documents.htm.

[21] Interim report on the impact of the United Nations treaty bodies on the work of national courts and tribunals, in International Law Association, Report of the Seventieth Conference, New Delhi (2002) 507-555; Final report on the impact of the United Nations treaty bodies on the work of national courts and tribunals, in International Law Association, Report of the Seventy-First Conference, Berlin (2004) 621-687. Both reports are available through the ILA website: www.ila-hq.org (Committees/List of Committees/International Human Rights Law and Practice/Download 2002/2004 Conference Report).
[22] Maria v McElroy, 68 F Supp 2d 206, 232 (EDNY 1999) ("The Human Rights Committee's General Comments and decisions in individual cases are recognized as a major source for interpretation of the ICCPR." (referring to Aumeerudy-Cziffra v Mauritius)).
[23] Nicholls v Registrar of the Court of Appeal [1998] 2 NZLR 385, at 461 (New Zealand Court of Appeal, Smellie J) ("I agree also that the United Nations Human Rights Committee cases are persuasive")
[24] Nicholls v Registrar of the Court of Appeal [1998] 2 NZLR 385, at 405 (New Zealand Court of Appeal, Eichelbaum CJ) ("a decision of the HRC must be of considerable persuasive authority")
[25] Quilter v Attorney General [1997] NZCA 207; [1998] 1 NZLR 523, at 577 (New Zealand Court of Appeal, Tipping J) "Thus, while in no way binding, the committee's approach to the concept of discrimination is of direct relevance to New Zealand jurisprudence on the subject.")
[26] A and B v Regierungsrat des Kantons Zürich, Judgment of 22 September 2000, § 2(g), Swiss Federal Supreme Court (Bundesgerichtf) ("Diese Stellungnahmen sind zwar für die Auslegung und Rechtsentwicklung von Bedeutung, können aber keine direkte Verbindlichkeit beanspruchen") (referring to the General comments and recommendations of the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights).
[27] Northern Regional Health Authority v Human Rights Commission [1998] 2 NZLR 218, at 235 (High Court of New Zealand, Cartwright J)(quoting the Bloemfontein Statement 1993, para 8).
[28] Residents of Bon Vista Mansions v Southern Metropolitan Local Council (2002) 6 BCLR 625, at 629, paras 17-18 (South Africa, High Court Witwatersrand, Local Division) (referring to General Comment No 12 of the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
[29] For many examples, see the reports of the ILA Committee on Human Rights, supra note 21.
[30] AIR 1997 SC 3011, at 3015, (1998) 3 BHRC 261
[31] R v Sin Yau-ming (1991) 1 HKPLR 88, at 107, [1992] 1 HKCLR 127, at 141. See also the opinion of the Privy Council on appeal from the Hong Kong Court of Appeal in Fok Lai Ying v Governor in Council and others (1997) 7 HKPLR 327.
[32] Yuji Iwasawa "The Domestic Impact of International Human Rights Standards: The Japanese Experience" in Philip Alston and James Crawford (eds), The Future of the UN Human Rights Treaty System (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000). at 257-265. See also the Judgment of 27 March 1998, Kyoto District Court, 45 SHOMU GEPPO 1259 (stating that '"views" and the like [General comments] of the HRC do not legally bind Japanese courts . . . [they] are at most only taken into account as opinions on the level of facts'); Judgment of 15 October 1999, Osaka High Court, 1718 HANREI JIHO 30 (stating that "[general] comments of the Human Rights Committee do not legally bind the interpretation of the ICCPR and the ICESCR by Japanese courts")..
[33] Id at 259.
[34] Minister for Immigration & Multicultural & Indigenous Affairs v Al Masri [2003] FCAFC 70, at para 148 (15 April 2003), http://www.austlii.edu.au/au/cases/cth/FCAFC/2003/70.html. See also Kirby J in Minister for Immigration and Multicultural and Indigenous Affairs v B [2004] HCA 20, at paras 147-155.
[35] See generally Anne F Bayefsky, International Human Rights Law: Use in Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms Litigation (Toronto: Butterworths, 1992)
[36] Masykur Abdul Kadir, Cs 013/PUU-I/2003 [2004] IDCC 57 (23 July 2004), available at http://www.asianlii.org/id/cases/IDCC/2004/57.html (visited 14 April 2007)
[37] Lembaga Studi dan Advokasi Masyarakat (ELSAM), Komisi untuk Orang Hilang dan Korban Kekerasan (Kontras), Solidaritas Nusa Bangsa (SNB), Inisiatif Masyarakat Partisipatif untuk Transisi Berkeadilan (Imparsial), Lembaga Penelitian Korban Peristiwa 65, LPKP 006/PUU-IV/2006 [2006] IDCC 28, para 121, available at http://www.asianlii.org/id/cases/IDCC/2006/28.html (visited 14 April 2007)

[38] Final report on the impact of the United Nations treaty bodies on the work of national courts and tribunals, in International Law Association, Report of the Seventy-First Conference, Berlin (2004) 621 at 662-657, paras 116-155.

[39] For example, in its advisory opinion of 9 July 2004 on the Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, the Court made reference to case law of the Human Rights Committee under the Optional Protocol, proceedings before the Committee and its concluding observations on Israel, and the Committee’s General comment No 27, as well as to the concluding observations of the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights on Israel: paras 109, 110, 112 and 136.
[40] Although it should be said that some States have on occasion taken issue with an interpretation adopted by a committee in an individual case against them.
[41] The same distinction appears in Law No 39 of 1999 concerning Human Rights. That Law, which is modelled very closely on the provisions of the ICCPR, the ICESCR and the Convention on the Rights of the Child, confers most rights on “persons” or “everyone”, while limiting some rights to “every citizen” (for example, Articles 25, 27, 38, 43 and 44).
[42] See, for example, the Concluding observations of the Human Rights Committee on the combined fourth and fifth periodic reports of Sri Lanka under the ICCPR, UN Doc CCPR/CO/79/LKA (2003):

7. While taking note of the proposed constitutional reform and the legislative review project currently being undertaken by the National Human Rights Commission, the Committee remains concerned that Sri Lanka's legal system still does not contain provisions which cover all of the substantive rights set forth in the Covenant, or all the necessary safeguards required to prevent the restriction of Covenant rights beyond the limits permissible under the Covenant. It regrets in particular that the right to life is not expressly mentioned as a fundamental right in chapter III of the Constitution of Sri Lanka, even though the Supreme Court has, through judicial interpretation, derived protection of the right to life from other provisions of the Constitution. It is also concerned that contrary to the principles enshrined in the Covenant (e.g. the principle of non-discrimination), some Covenant rights are denied to non-citizens without any justification. It remains concerned about the provisions of article 16, paragraph 1, of the Constitution, which permits existing laws to remain valid and operative notwithstanding their incompatibility with the Constitution's provisions relating to fundamental rights. There is no mechanism to challenge legislation incompatible with the provisions of the Covenant (arts. 2 and 26). It considers that a limitation of one month to any challenges to the validity or legality of any "administrative or executive action" jeopardizes the enforcement of human rights, even though the Supreme Court has found that the one-month rule does not apply if sufficiently compelling circumstances exist.”

See also Human Rights Committee, Concluding observations of the Human Rights Committee: Switzerland, 12 November 2001, UN Doc CCPR/CO/73/CH , at para 15.

“...The State party should review its policies in relation to distinctions between citizens and aliens and between different categories of aliens, in particular in respect of those who do not have papers and spouses of foreigners with residence permits, in order to ensure that the rights of such persons under the Covenant are respected and ensured (articles 2,3,9,12,17 and 23).”

[43] Inter-American Court of Human Rights, Juridical Condition and Rights of the Undocumented Migrants, Advisory Opinion OC-18/03, 17 September 2003, paras 97-101.

[44] “Executive summary”, Final report of the Special Rapporteur, Mr David Weissbrodt on the rights of non-citizens, UN Doc E/CN.4/Sub.2/2003/23, at p 2.
[45] UN Doc CCPR/C/79/Add.91 (1998)
[46] While article 2(1) in the English version of the Covenant uses the word “distinction’ rather than “discrimination” (the term used in article 26 of the ICCPR and the corresponding article 2(2) of the ICESCR) , it is well-accepted that what is meant is “discrimination”, that is an unjustifiable or arbitrary distinction. See Nowak, U.N. Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (Kehl, N P Engel, 2nd rev ed 2005), 44-45.
[47] Communication No 196/1985, views of 3 April 1989, paras 9.4 and 9.5
[48] Communication No 747/1997, views of 30 October 2001, para 8.4
[49] Communication No 965/2000, views of 4 April 2002
[50] Communication No. 767/1997, views of 26 April 2000, UN Doc CCPR/C/68/D/767/1997 (2000)
[51] Kennedy v Trinidad and Tobago, Communication No 845, decision on admissibility, para 6.7 (31 December 1999)
[52] See the approach of the High Court of Fiji in constitutional case brought by a non-citizen in extradition proceedings in which the applicant had been denied legal aid because he was a non-citizen. The Court wrote:

“Fiji having adopted the provisions of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) cannot just pay lip service to such provisions. I agree with Mr. Ratuvili that the Bill of Rights applies to all persons who are in Fiji and [is] not limited to citizens of Fiji. If persons are within the jurisdiction either as citizens or visitors, these provisions apply. A person who is in Fiji is subject to its laws. He is bound to obey its laws. He cannot just ignore our laws. Equally a person who is subject to our laws is entitled to the protection of our laws regardless of where he/she is from. I am fortified in my view because wherever rights were to be confined to citizens of Fiji, the word citizen is used in those sections of the Bill of Rights provisions. Section 34(1) speaks of rights of citizens to enter and remain in Fiji and subsection (2) talks of rights of citizens to [a] passport.

To read the word ‘person’ as a citizen is to unnecessarily restrict the meaning.”

Lyndon v Legal Aid Commission [2003] FJHC 323. Fiji is a party to the CERD Convention, but not to the ICCPR.

[53] “Status of the death penalty at the beginning and end of the five-year survey period, 1999-2003”, Capital punishment and implementation of the safeguards guaranteeing protection of the rights of those facing the death penalty, Report of the Secretary-General, UN Doc E/2005/3, para 40, Table 1.

[54] Roger Hood, “The Enigma of the ‘Most Serious’ Offences”, NYU Center for Human Rights and Global Justice Working Paper, Extradjudical Executions Series, No 9, 2006, at 4-5, available at http://www.nyuhr.org/docs/WPS_NYU_CHRGJ_Hood.pdf (visited 24 March 2007)
[55] UN Doc A/2929, Chap VI, para 1, cited in Marc Bossuyt, Guide to the “Travaux Préparatoires” of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (Dordrecht: Maritnus Nijhoff, 1987), 115.
[56] General comment 6, para 1; General comment 14, para 1.
[57] Nowak, supra note 46, at 121
[58] Id at 122
[59] The other rights are the right not to be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment (Article 7), the right not to be subjected to slavery or servitude (Article 8), the right not to be imprisoned for debt (Article 11), the prohibition of retroactive criminal laws (Article 15), right to recognition as a person before the law (Article 16), and freedom of thought conscience and religion (Article 18).
[60] Nowak, supra note 46,at 127
[61] Id at 127-131
[62] In November 2006 the Thanh Tien News reported that the Vietnamese parliamentary commission “has admitted that the death penalty is failing to deter crime, despite the large number of people executed for drug-related offences each year.:
http://asiadeathpenalty.blogspot.com/2006/11/viet-nam-death-penalty-not-deterring.html
[63] See Nowak, supra note 46, at 134-135.
[64] It should also be said that challenges to the death penalty as such on these grounds have been rejected in recent years by a number of courts, including the Court of Appeal of Singapore (relying on a Privy Council decision that is 25 years old), the Supreme Court of the Philippines, and the Supreme Court of India.
[65] [1995] ZACC 3; 1995 (3) SA 391, 1995 (6) BCLR 665 (Constitutional Court of South Africa)

[66] CHR resolution 2005/59, paras 4(a) and (b), and 3(b). The Commission has passed other resolutions to similar effect.
[67] E/2000/3, para 79
[68] CHR resolution 2005/59, para 7(f).
[69] Nowak, supra note 46, at 141
[70] Report of the Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, Philip Alston, UN Doc A/HRC/4/20, para 40 (2007)

[71] UN Doc A/53/40, para 99 (1998)
[72] UN Doc A/48/40, para 255 (1993)
[73] UN Doc CCPR/C/79/Add 101 (1998)
[74] UN Doc CCPR/CO/75/VNM, para 7, A/57/40, vol I, (2002)
[75] UN Doc CCPR/C/79/Add 1, para 5 (1992)
[76] UN Doc CCPR/C/79/Add 116, para 14 (1999)
[77] Communication No 539/1993, views of 31 October 1994, para 16.2
[78] Communication No 390/1990, views of 31 October 1995, para 7.2
[79] Communication No 845/1998, views of 26 March 2002, para 7.3
[80] Communication No 1132/2002 , views of 18 October 2005, UN Doc CCPR/C/85/D/1132/2002 (2005) (footnotes omitted)
[81] Nowak, supra note 46, at 142
[82] Report of the Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, Philip Alston, UN Doc A/HRC/4/20, paras 52-53 (2007)
[83] UN Doc A/50/40, vol I, para. 449 (1995)
[84] UN Doc CCPR/CO/84/THA, para 14 (2005)
[85] Communication No 706/1996 , views of 4 November 1997, UN Doc CCPR/C/61/D/706/1996
[86] [1995] ZACC 3; 1995 (3) SA 391, 1995 (6) BCLR 665 (Constitutional Court of South Africa)

[87] There are other grounds which have sometimes been advanced to justify the death penalty (such as retribution) which are not dealt with in this Opinion. However, these grounds too have been rejected by the leading recent constitutional cases in which the death penalty has been held to be unconstitutional.
[88] As the President of the South African Constitutional Court, Justice Chaskalson, commented in S v Makwanyane, at para 123:

“In the debate as to the deterrent effect of the death sentence, the issue is sometimes dealt with as if the choice to be made is between the death sentence and the murder going unpunished. That is of course not so. The choice to be made is between putting the criminal to death and subjecting the criminal to the severe punishment of a long term of imprisonment which, in an appropriate case, could be a sentence of life imprisonment. Both are deterrents, and the question is whether the possibility of being sentenced to death, rather than being sentenced to life imprisonment, has a marginally greater deterrent effect, and whether the Constitution sanctions the limitation of rights affected thereby.”
[89] How this relates to the onus of proof in a constitutional case involving a challenge to a law is a matter of domestic constitutional law. Generally, there is an initial presumption of constitutionality, but given the importance of the right to life and the provisions of Article 28I(1) providing that it shall not be limited “under any circumstances”), there may be an argument that either the Government bears the onus, or that the presumption of constitutionality is easily displaced where the right is a fundamental one and the effect of the prima facie infringement severe. A majority of the Supreme Court of India in Bachan Singh v State of Uttar Pradesh [1982] INSC 62; [1983] 1 SCR 145; [1982] 3 SCC 24; AIR 1982 SC 1325 took the view in a challenge to the death penalty that an initial presumption of constitutionality applied, which had to be rebutted by the person challenging the statute. The former Chief Justice of India, Justice P N Bhagwati, dissenting on this point and in the result, expressed the view (SCR at 265)

“What the learned Judge said was that there is always a presumption in favour of the constitutionality of a statute and the court will not interfere unless the statute is clearly violative of the Fundamental Rights conferred by Part III of the Constitution. This is a perfectly valid statement of the law and no exception can be taken to it. There must obviously be a presumption in favour of the constitutionality of a statute and initially it would be for the petitioners to show that it violates a Fundamental Right conferred under one or the other sub-clauses of clause (1) of Article 19 and is therefore unconstitutional, but when that is done, the question arises, on whom does the burden of showing whether the restrictions are permissible or not, lie?

Obviously therefore, when a law is challenged on the ground that it imposes restrictions on the freedom guaranteed by one or the other subclause of clause (1) of Article 19 and the restrictions are shown to exist by the petitioner, the burden of establishing that the restrictions fall within any of the permissive clauses (2) to (6) which may be applicable, must rest upon the State. The State would have to produce material for satisfying the court that the restrictions imposed [294] by the impugned law fall within the appropriate permissive clause from out of clauses (2) to (6) of Article 19. Of course there may be cases where the nature of the legislation and the restrictions imposed by it may be such that the court may, without more, even in the absence of any positive material produced by the State, conclude that the restrictions fall within the permissible category, as for example, where a law is enacted by the legislature for giving effect to one of the Directive Principles of State Policy and prima facie, the restrictions imposed by it do not appear to be arbitrary or excessive. Where such is the position, the burden would again shift and it would be for the petitioner to show that the restrictions are arbitrary or excessive and go beyond what is required in public interest. But, once it is shown by the petitioner that the impugned law imposes restrictions which infringe one or the other sub-clause of clause (1) of Article 19, the burden of showing that such restrictions are reasonable and fall within the permissible category must be on the State and this burden the State may discharge either by producing socio economic data before the court or on consideration of the provisions in the impugned law read in the light of the constitutional goals set out in the Directive Principles of State Policy. The test to be applied for the purpose of determining whether the restrictions imposed by the impugned law are reasonable or not cannot be cast in a rigid formula of universal application, for, as pointed out by Patanjali Shastri, J. in State of Madras v. V.J. Row (1) "no abstract standard or general pattern of reasonableness can be laid down as applicable to all cases". The nature of the right alleged to have been infringed, the underlying purpose of the restrictions imposed, the extent and urgency of the evil sought to be remedied, the value of human life, the disproportion of the imposition, the social philosophy of the Constitution and the prevailing conditions at the time would all enter into the judicial verdict.”.

“[I]t would be a wise rule to adopt to presume the constitutionality of a statute unless it is shown to be invalid. But even here it is necessary to point out that this rule is not a rigid inexorable rule applicable at all times and in all situations. There may conceivably be cases where having regard to the nature and character of the legislation, the importance of the right affected and the gravity the injury caused by it and the moral and social issues involved in the determination, the court may refuse to proceed on the basis of presumption of constitutionality and demand from the State justification of the legislation with a view to establishing that it is not arbitrary or discriminatory. There are times when commitment to the values of the Constitution and performance of the constitutional role as guardian of fundamental rights demands dismissal of the usual judicial deference to legislative judgment. The death penalty, of which the constitutionality is assailed in the present writ petitions, is a fundamental issue to which ordinary standards of judicial review are inappropriate. The question here is one of the most fundamental which has arisen under the Constitution, namely, whether the State is entitled to take the life of a citizen under cover of judicial authority. It is a question so vital to the identity and culture of the society and so appropriate for judicial statement of the standards of a civilised community -- often because of legislative apathy -- that ‘passivity and activism become platitudes through which judicial articulation of moral and social values provides a light to guide an uncertain community.’ The same reasons which have weighed with me in holding that the burden must lie on the State to prove that the death penalty provided under section 302 of the Indian Penal Code read with section 354 sub-section (3) of the Code of Criminal Procedure is not arbitrary and unreasonable and serves a legitimate penological purpose where [299] the challenge is under Article 21 must apply equally to cast the burden of the proof upon the State where the challenge is under Article 14.“
[90] Janet Chan and Deborah Oxley, “The deterrent effect of capital punishment: A review of the research evidence”, in NSW Bureau of Crimes Statistics and Research, Crime and Justice Bulletin, No 84, October 2004.
[91] Id at 11
[92] Peter Hodgkinson and William Schabas (eds), Capital Punishment: Strategies for Abolition (Cambridge University Press, 2005), Chap 1.
[93] Chapter 1, available at http://www.cambridge.org/catalogue/catalogue.asp?isbn=9780511189074&ss=exc (quoting Roger Hood, ‘Capital Punishment, Deterrence and Crime Rates,’ Seminar on the Abolition of the Death Penalty, Kyiv [Ukraine], 28-29 September 1996: Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly; Doc As / Jur [1996] 70, p.6, paras 23 and 27 (citations omitted))
[94] Roger Hood, The Death Penalty – A Worldwide Perspective(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 3rd ed 2005), at 230-231.
[95] The majority in this case took the view that since there was divergent opinion on the issue of deterrence, they would defer to the legislature’s judgment on the issue.
[96] Bachan Singh , at 327
[97] See, for example the Judgment of the Constitutional Court of Belarus, 11 March 2004, Minsk No. J-171/2004, available at http://ncpi.gov.by/ConstSud/eng/j171.htm.
[98] [1982] INSC 61, [1983] 1 SCR 145, (1982) 3 SCC 24 (Chandrachud CJ, Sakaria, Gupta and Untwalia JJ, with Bhagwati J in dissent)
[99] [1983] 1 SCR at 256
[100] 1983 (3) SCC 470. In Krishna Mochi v State of Bihar [2002] INSC 216 the Court set out in detail the limited categories of circumstances where crimes involving the taking of life might constitutionally be subject to the imposition of a death sentence.
[101] See, for example, Mithu v State of Punjab, [1983] INSC 36; [1983] 2 SCR 690; [1983] 2 SCC[1983] INSC 37; , AIR 1983 SC 473, in which the Court held that the imposition of a mandatory death sentence for murders committed by persons already serving a sentence of life imprisonment was a violation of the guarantee of equality contained in Article 14 of the Indian Constitution as we as the right by Article 21 that no person shall be deprived of his life or personal liberty except according to procedure established by law. The basis of the decision was that there was no rational justification for distinguishing between the different classes of offenders.
[102] Echegaray v Secretary of Justice and others [1998] PHSC 656. There were two unsigned and powerful dissents (it is not customary for the dissenting judges to be identified by name) which took into account the criminological evidence and the developments at the international level).
[103] A recent example is Nguyen Tuong Van v Public Prosecutor [2004] SGCA 47, [2005] 1 SLR 103 (upholding the decision at on appeal from [2004] SGHC 54, [2004] 2 SLR 328), in which the Court of Appeal of Singapore upheld the constitutionality of a mandatory death penalty in drug trafficking cases, a view which is at odds with the overwhelming weight of judicial decisions at the international level and in many of the countries where the death penalty is still on the books. The Court explicitly noted (at para 77) that “the appellant had not placed . . . material before us to properly decide whether the legislative judgment [that possession of 15g of heroin was an appropriate criterion for concluding that the offence was trafficking and was an extremely grave one”. The Court did not consider any of the practice of the Human Rights Committee in its judgment.
[104] [1981] AC 648
[105] Public Prosecutor Lau Kee Hoo [1983] 1 MLJ 157 (Federal Court of Malaysia). With all due respect to the judges of that court, it cannot be said that the analysis and reasoning in relation to other authorities is particularly extensive and there is little reference to international materials – the Court appeared largely content to follow the then recent Privy Council decision in Ong Ah Chuan.
[106] [1995] ZACC 3; 1995 (3) SA 391, 1995 (6) BCLR 665


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