Australian Anti-Discrimination Law and Sexual Orientation: Some Observations on Terminology and Scope
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Author: |
Anna Chapman
Lecturer in Law, University of Melbourne, Victoria
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Issue: |
Volume 3, Number 3 (September 1996)
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Click on the image at left for a 1.0 MB QuickTime video clip of Anna Chapman speaking.
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Acknowledgement[1]
Apart from Tasmania and Western Australia, all states and territories in Australia have enacted
legislation that renders discrimination
related to sexual orientation unlawful.[2] In addition to this state
and territory law, federal legislation offers a mechanism of redress in relation to some instances of
discrimination
on the ground of sexual orientation. The federal Human Rights and Equal Opportunity
Commission Act 1986 (Cth) provides a procedure by which the Human Rights Commissioner may
attempt to conciliate complaints of sexual preference discrimination
in the paid workforce.[3] Federal
industrial relations legislation prohibits dismissals, and provisions in awards and workplace agreements,
that discriminate
on the ground of sexual preference.[4]
This body of law comprising state and territory anti-discrimination statutes and the federal Human
Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission Act has largely failed to live up to the expectations of many
of its proponents. Not only is this legislation (and law generally) wholly
inadequate in itself to bring
about the type of social transformation necessary for a positive valuing of sexuality diversity, this
legislation is, moreover, even deficient in terms of the more limited project of providing redress to people
who are on the receiving
end of discriminatory conduct related to their sexuality.[5]
The reasons explaining this limited role of the legislation are numerous and interrelated. Some of them
appear specific to sexual
orientation grounds. Others limit the impact and usefulness of the legislation in
relation to all grounds. They involve most fundamentally
the liberal framework underlying anti-
discrimination jurisdictions with its emphasis on formal equality and negative concepts of
tolerance and
freedom.[6] Other factors operate within this liberal framework to reduce the role of the legislation. Many
of these matters relate to issues
of terminology and scope under the different statutes. The purpose of
this article is to highlight some of these concerns.
Terminology
One factor implicated in the inadequacies of the sexual orientation provisions is the wording used in the
legislation to name these
grounds.
Three statutes use the terminology of 'sexuality'. The Australian Capital Territory statute defines its
ground of sexuality as 'heterosexuality,
homosexuality (including lesbianism) or bisexuality'.[7] The
South Australian legislation defines sexuality to be 'heterosexuality, homosexuality, bisexuality or
transsexuality'.[8] The Northern Territory statute uses sexuality to mean 'the sexual characteristics or
imputed sexual characteristics of heterosexuality,
homosexuality, bisexuality or transsexuality'.[9]
The New South Wales legislation provides a ground of 'homosexuality' (defined to mean a 'male or
female homosexual').[10] It also prohibits homosexual vilification.[11] Queensland and Victoria include
grounds of 'lawful sexual activity'.[12] Federal legislation refers to 'sexual preference'.[13]
Several aspects of these definitions are open to criticism. The lack of explicit inclusion of lesbianism is
problematic. The Australian
Capital Territory Act is the only statute that uses the word lesbianism.[14]
Apart from this Act, lesbianism is subsumed under the label of homosexuality in the various statutes.
This approach is inadequate.
The word homosexuality has been, and continues to be, commonly
interpreted to refer to same sex sexual activity between men.[15] Support for the view that the word
homosexuality is seen as fundamentally male is found in the different lodgement rates under sexual
orientation grounds of women compared to men. Far fewer women than men lodge complaints under
such grounds.[16] These differences do not appear to be explicable in terms of the incidence of sexuality
discrimination and harassment of women compared
to men; women who identify as lesbian experience
similar rates of discrimination and harassment as do men who identify as gay.[17] The difference in
lodgement rates appears, at least partly, to reflect a gender dimension in access to grounds worded as
homosexuality.[18] No doubt it also reflects different access to law generally by men and women.[19]
This problem of using the label homosexuality as implicitly inclusive of lesbians has been noted and
examined by the Anti-Discrimination
Board of New South Wales on more than one occasion. In 1987 the
Board held a forum to investigate discrimination against lesbians
in New South Wales and to formulate
recommendations for improving the Anti-Discrimination Act 1977 (NSW).[20] The establishment of this
forum was partly in response to a recognition that women have lodged less than 35% of the annual
number
of complaints under the New South Wales homosexuality ground. The report of the
proceedings contains a number of accounts of lesbians
being unsure of whether the homosexuality
ground applies to them and of feeling devalued by the wording of the ground. One of the
key
recommendations of the report was to amend the New South Wales Act to replace all references to
'homosexuals' with the words
'lesbians and homosexual men'.[21] This recommendation has not been
implemented.
The importance of explicitly naming lesbianism in the statute was again raised with the New South
Wales Board in 1994 as part of its
general review of the Act. The response of the Board was to
recommend that homosexuality be defined in the statute to include a reference
to female homosexuality
as well as to male homosexuality.[22] The NSW statute has since been amended in line with this
recommendation and a definition of homosexual ('male or female homosexual')
was inserted into the
definition section of the Act (section 4(1)) in August 1994.[23] This amendment fails to go far enough.
The word lesbianism ought to be explicitly used in the substantive provisions of the Act proscribing
discrimination and vilification related to homosexuality (Part 4C). Including a reference to 'female
homosexual[s]' in the definition
of homosexual in section 4(1) of the Act does little to address
misperceptions about the coverage of the New South Wales jurisdiction
in relation to lesbians and the
concern expressed at the forum that the word homosexuality fails to value lesbian existence.[24]
Although the 1994 amendment is an inadequate response to this deficiency, the history of this issue in
New South Wales does illustrate
that using the label homosexuality to implicitly refer to lesbians is
flawed. This was acknowledged by the NSW Board as recently
as 1994.
The Commissioner for Equal Opportunity (WA) has also acknowledged the problems inherent in
subsuming lesbianism under the label of
homosexuality. In 1994 the Commissioner noted that 'the use of
terms, such as homosexuality as a ground in anti-discrimination legislation
to proscribe homosexual
discrimination, further marginalises the experience of lesbian women'[25] and later that 'for many
lesbians who experience discrimination on the basis of their sexuality, the term [homosexuality] is of
little
relevance and application.'[26] Given this, it is extremely disappointing that in her
recommendations, the Commissioner failed to address this problem articulated
in her Discussion Paper.
Her report recommends the inclusion of a sexuality ground worded as 'heterosexuality, homosexuality,
bisexuality
and transsexuality.'[27]
One wonders what it will take to shift administering bodies such as the New South Wales Board and the
Western Australia Commissioner
from a position acknowledging a problem to one recommending a
solution. The amendment required here is, after all, obvious and relatively
straightforward - the explicit
use of the word lesbianism both in the name of the ground and the body of the Act. The lack of resolve
shown by the Board and Commissioner in this respect is particularly frustrating as the recommendations
of such bodies appear to be
an important precursor to the immensely more difficult task of convincing
the relevant government to introduce the legislation.
The definitions of sexuality are problematic in another respect. The lists of sexualities in the statutory
definitions appear to be
in some kind of order. Heterosexuality is always first in the list and
transsexuality, where it is included, is last. This is clearly
not an order placing those most likely to need
the Act first. Heterosexual people are rarely discriminated against on the ground
of their
heterosexuality.[28] Transgender people experience, by contrast, shockingly high rates of
discrimination, harassment and violence.[29] The conclusion is compelling that the sequence in each
definition constructs a hierarchical order that centres heterosexuality and
includes 'other' sexualities in
an order of increasing marginalisation.
The Queensland and Victorian statutes use the terminology of lawful sexual activity. Both Acts are
clearly intended to apply to people
who identify as gay or lesbian, though neither actually use those
words nor the words homosexuality or lesbianism. Using the formula
of lawful sexual activity maintains
a legislative silence around lesbians and gay men. Lawful sexual activity 'sees' lesbian and
gay
existence only as an activity, that is, something that people do rather than who people are in terms of
identity and community.
It reduces lesbian and gay existence to sexual acts.
The inclusion of the word lawful in the name of the ground infers that there is something inherently
unlawful about same-sex sexual conduct. This inference attaches to lesbians and gay men rather than,
for example, heterosexual people, because
the lawful sexual activity ground is largely recognised, both
in public discussions[30] and in Parliament,[31] as the gay and lesbian ground. Although the other
activity grounds in the new Victorian Act ('industrial activity', 'political activity'
and 'religious activity')
are qualified in their definitional sections to refer to lawful activity only, the lawful sexual activity
ground includes the word lawful as part of the name of the ground. This sends a clear message,
repeated every time the ground is
named, about the propensity to unlawfulness of gay men and
lesbians. The message from the Queensland Parliament is even more damning.
The other activity
grounds in the Queensland Act ('political ... activity' and 'trade union activity') are not qualified by the
rider
lawful at all. The inclusion of the word lawful then, in the two statutes sends a very clear message
both to the general public and
to gay men and lesbians who might be contemplating lodging a complaint
that there is something inherently suspect, and reprehensible,
about same-sex sexual conduct.
The above aspects of the language used in the different statutes to name the sexual orientation grounds
impair the effectiveness of
this legislation. Amendment is accordingly required. In addition to issues of
terminology, the ambit of the different statutory schemes
is an important factor limiting the role of the
legislation.
Scope of Prohibited Conduct
A number of factors curtail the range of conduct that is rendered unlawful under the different statutory
schemes. Importantly, none
of the statutes include same-sex relationships as de factos or as otherwise
within the meaning of marital status. In addition, several
exemptions may take effect to exonerate
otherwise discriminatory conduct.
(a) Same-Sex Relationships
No anti-discrimination statute in Australia recognises same-sex couples as de factos or as otherwise
within the meaning of marital
status. All explicitly define de facto relationships and/or marital status in
terms of people of the opposite sex living together.[32]
The sexual orientation grounds described above proscribe discrimination against individual people[33]
and as such have provided an uncertain basis for arguments relating to couple relationships. In Wilson
v Qantas Airways Limited[34] the New South Wales Equal Opportunity Tribunal dismissed complaints
lodged by 2 gay male couples of discrimination on the ground
of homosexuality and/or marital status.
All 4 men were flight attendants employed with Qantas. Each couple had been denied access
to the
'married roster' conducted by the airline. The roster provided for married and heterosexual de facto
couples to be given preference
in the allocation of flights so that they may be rostered together. The
reasoning of the Tribunal in dismissing the complaints was
incoherent. In relation to the claim on the
ground of marital status the Tribunal described the complainants as 'single males'[35] and found that
'[t]hey have not been discriminated against because they are single'.[36] In relation to the claim of
homosexuality discrimination, the Tribunal held that '[t]heir homosexuality as such clearly did not bar
them from being participants in the scheme. Indeed it may well have been that persons participating in
the scheme are homosexual.'[37]
In the more recent decision of Hope v NIB Health Funds Ltd[38] the New South Wales Tribunal found
in favour of a gay male couple on the ground of homosexuality when their application for concessional
'family' health insurance was rejected by NIB Health Funds. The Tribunal found that had one of the
complainants been a person of
the opposite sex living in a bona fide domestic relationship with the
other complainant, the concessional family rate would have
applied.[39] As to its earlier decision in
Wilson v Qantas Airways, the Tribunal commented:
We doubt the correctness of the decision in Wilson v Qantas Airways but assuming the
decision is correct it is distinguishable in that here the homosexuality of the Complainants was the
significant
factor in the decision to refuse them concessional status.[40]
Hope is currently on appeal before the New South Wales Supreme Court.
Other provisions in anti-discrimination statutes might, in practice, offer the potential to protect lesbians
and gay men in relation
to issues arising in couple relationships. For example the protection afforded to
people who are associates of a person with a protected
attribute and the provisions in relation to carers
may provide protection to lesbians and gay men in relation to couple relationships.
Importantly though,
none of these provisions protect the relationship as such. For this reason the Supreme Court decision in
Hope
will be important.
(b) Exemptions
A number of different exemptions and exceptions reduce the scope of the sexual orientation grounds in
the different statutes. These
provisions take effect as a form of defence able to be argued by the alleged
discriminator (the respondent). If the respondent is
successful in establishing that the exemption
applies, his/her conduct is exonerated. In addition to reducing the ambit of the statutes,
the existence of
these exemptions and exceptions appears likely to be a factor discouraging potential gay and lesbian
complainants
from lodging a complaint. Some of these exemptions convey powerfully subordinating
images of lesbians and gay men and appear based
on the very prejudice and stereotyping that the
legislation purports to be aimed at eliminating.
Some of the main exemptions include provisions relating to working with children,[41] less favourable
treatment based on the complainant's dress, appearance (and behaviour),[42] the religious practices of
religious institutions,[43] conduct in compliance with religious beliefs,[44] work in a private
household,[45] and work in small businesses with five or less employees.[46] The working with children
exemptions, the exemptions relating to standards of dress, appearance and behaviour and the religious
beliefs
exemption are examined.
(i) Working with Children
The Queensland, Northern Territory and Victorian statutes contain exemptions relating to working with
children.
Both the Queensland and Northern Territory statutes excuse an employer from an act of discrimination
under the relevant sexual orientation
ground if the employer is able to show that the work involves the
care or instruction (or supervision) of minors (persons under 18
years of age) and the discrimination is
reasonably necessary to protect the physical, psychological or emotional well-being of children
having
regard to all the relevant circumstances of the case, including the person's actions.[47] This exemption
relates solely to the sexual orientation grounds in the Queensland and Northern Territory statues. This
means that
it can only be argued by an employer by way of defence to a complaint under a sexual
orientation ground, it cannot be argued in relation
to other grounds such as sex, race or impairment.
The new Victorian statute contains an exemption that excuses discrimination by an employer where:
the employment involves the care, instruction or supervision of children (defined as people
under the age of 18 years); and
the employer genuinely believes that the discrimination is necessary to protect the
physical, psychological or emotional well-being
of the children; and
having regard to all the relevant circumstances, including, if applicable, the conduct of the
employee or prospective employee, the
employer has a rational basis for that belief.[48]
It seems that this Victorian provision was originally intended to be specific to the lawful sexual activity
ground, but was later
extended to apply, at least notionally, to all grounds.[49] This appears to have
been an attempt to head off objection to it by gay and lesbian lobby groups. Although the Victorian
Government
has strenuously denied that the provision is aimed at lesbians and gay men who work with
children, it has been treated as such in
media reports.[50]
These working with children exemptions sanction discrimination against lesbians and gay men.
Although the wording of these provisions
is convoluted and ambiguous, they are clearly premised on
the view that gay men and lesbians as a group pose a risk to children that
is not present when the
members of other groups, whether defined by gender, race or impairment, work with children. The
exemptions
confirm and so lend credence to the myths that gay and lesbian teachers attempt to
'convert' young heterosexual adults to gay/lesbian
sexuality and/or that gay and lesbian teachers
sexually abuse children.[51]
These provisions are additionally damaging in that their existence acts to discourage potential
complainants who work with children
from lodging a complaint. There appears to be a view amongst
some gay and lesbian teachers that if they have been identified as gay
or lesbian to students or have
provided information to students that is seen as affirming gay and lesbian sexuality then they will
lose
their protection under the Queensland Act. In the words of a gay teacher in Queensland: 'if a kid comes
up and says they're
gay, you can't say its okay, you can't help them go through the hassle to be open or
you could ... [lose your protection under the
Queensland statute due to the operation of] section 28'.[52]
It seems likely that a similar view has formed amongst Victorian gay and lesbian teachers.[53] In this
way these provisions operate to suppress the visibility of gay and lesbian teachers in schools. Such
teachers may feel the
need to censor their conversations about the weekend, refer to their partner as
their flatmate or otherwise engage in an on-going
process of duplicity both with other members of staff
and with students. Not only is this discriminatory in itself (heterosexual
teachers are not required to self-
censor in this way), it is profoundly damaging.
(ii) Standards of Dress, Appearance and Behaviour
Provisions in the South Australian statute and the Victorian Act relating to dress, appearance and
behaviour also operate to censor
and contain the extent to which gay and lesbian sexuality is visible in
workplaces and schools. The South Australian statute exempts
discrimination on the ground of
sexuality that is reasonable in all the circumstances and which is based on appearance or dress that
is
characteristic of, or an expression of, that person's sexuality.[54] The new Victorian Act permits
employers and educational authorities to set and enforce reasonable standards of dress, appearance
and behaviour for employees and for students.[55] The Victorian statute provides that such codes in
schools must be taken to be reasonable if the educational authority has taken into
account the views of
the school community in setting it.[56] As with the working with children exemption, it appears that this
defence in the Victorian Act was originally intended to apply to
the lawful sexual activity ground
only,[57] but was later extended to apply to all grounds in an attempt to disguise its nature as reflecting
prejudice and stereotypical views
of lesbians and gay men.[58]
The former South Australian Commissioner for Equal Opportunity has expressed the view that the
South Australian exemption is 'inherently
discriminatory' because it reflects stereotypical concerns
about the behaviour of gay men and lesbians.[59] As with the working with children exemptions these
defences relating to dress, appearance and behaviour operate to suppress the visibility
of lesbians and
gay men in schools and workplaces. These provisions confirm that the only acceptable face of sexuality
is heterosexuality.
Whereas wedding rings and photos of spouses on desks may be seen as a sign of
stability and maturity in heterosexual workers, lesbian
and gay jewellery and photos of partners are
unlikely to be seen in a similar light. In this way these provisions relating to dress,
appearance and
behaviour are themselves discriminatory.
In addition, as with the working with children exemptions, the existence of these dress, appearance and
behaviour defences are likely
to discourage gay men and lesbians in Victoria and South Australia from
lodging complaints. It appears likely that many instances
of discrimination against lesbian and gay
workers potentially contain arguments by an employer relating to the visibility of that
person's sexuality
manifested in their dress, appearance and behaviour.
(iii) Religious Beliefs
All the anti-discrimination statutes referred to in this paper contain exemptions relating to religious
institutions. These exemptions
refer to the practices of religious bodies (including schools) that conform
with the doctrines of the religion and/or are necessary
in order to avoid injury to the religious
susceptibilities of people of that religion.[60] These provisions, objectionable as they are, are relatively
benign in comparison with section 77 in the new Victorian statute.
Section 77 of the Equal Opportunity Act 1995 (Vic) contains a widely worded provision which is unique
in Australian equal opportunity jurisdictions. It exempts discriminatory
conduct where a respondent is
able to establish that 'the discrimination is necessary for the ... [respondent] to comply with the
...
[respondent's] genuine religious beliefs or principles'.
This provision is not limited to the effect of religious beliefs on conduct taking place within religious
institutions such as schools,
Universities and hospitals. It extends to discriminatory conduct in all paid
work arrangements, the provision of goods and services
and all other areas of life covered by the Act.
Nor does the exemption appear limited to the religious practices of mainstream churches,
or even the
religious practices or beliefs held by the leadership of the religion in question or most adherents to that
religion.
As with the other exemptions discussed above, this religious beliefs exemption operates on a number of
different levels. It significantly
curtails the scope of the Victorian Act, it suppresses the visibility of
lesbians and gay men in all aspects of life covered by the
Victorian Act and it is a factor dissuading
potential gay and lesbian complainants from lodging a complaint of discrimination under
the lawful
sexual activity ground in the Victorian statute.
Conclusion
This article has highlighted a number of deficiencies in the existing legislative schemes that proscribe
sexual orientation discrimination.
The issues of terminology and scope addressed in this article indicate
a fundamental mismatch between the content of the law in this
area and the needs of the people whom
the grounds purport to protect. Legislative amendment is clearly needed.
Two jurisdictions do not even contain sexual orientation grounds. Sexuality grounds ought to be
included in all Australian jurisdictions
(including federal law) and such enactment should be in a form
that addresses the shortcomings of existing jurisdictions.
Anna Chapman B Com LLB (Hons) LLM (Melb)
Lecturer in Law
Centre for Employment and Labour Relations Law
Law School
University of Melbourne
Notes
[1] I wish to thank Wayne Morgan for his comments on an earlier draft of this article.
[2] Equal Opportunity Act 1995 (Vic) s 6(d); Anti-Discrimination Act 1977 (NSW) Part 4C; Anti-
Discrimination Act 1991 (Qld) s 7(l); Equal Opportunity Act 1984 (SA) s 29(3); Discrimination Act 1991
(ACT) s 7(b); Anti-Discrimination Act 1992 (NT) s 19(c).
[3] Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission Act 1986 (Cth), Human Rights and Equal
Opportunity Commission Regulations (Cth) (SR No 407 of 1989) reg 4(a)(ix).
[4] Industrial Relations Act 1988 (Cth) s 150A(2)(b), s 170DF(1)(f), s 170MD(5) and s 170ND(10). Note
that some of these provisions are under review: Senate Economics
References Committee, Report on
Consideration of the Workplace Relations and Other Legislation Amendment Bill 1996 (Aug 1996).
Federal legislation proscribing discrimination and vilification on the ground of sexuality and transgender
identity has
been proposed by the Australian Democrats (Sexuality Discrimination Bill 1995 (Cth)). This
Bill is currently before the Senate Legal
and Constitutional References Committee.
[5] See generally, Anna Chapman, 'Sexuality and Workplace Oppression' [1995] MelbULawRw 23; (1995) 20 Melbourne
University Law Review 311.
[6] See further Margaret Thornton, The Liberal Promise: Anti-Discrimination Legislation in Australia
(Oxford Uni Press, Melbourne 1990); Wayne Morgan, 'Still in the Closet: The Heterosexism of Equal
Opportunity Law' Critical InQueeries Vol 1 No 2, May 1996, 119.
[7] Discrimination Act 1991 (ACT) s 7(b), s 4(1) definition of 'sexuality'. The Act provides
'transsexuality' as a separate ground: s 7(c) and the s 4(1) definition of 'transsexual'.
[8] Equal Opportunity Act 1984 (SA) s 29(1)(b), s 5(1) definition of 'sexuality'. 'Transsexuality' and
'transsexual' are defined in s 5(1). The West Australian Commissioner for Equal Opportunity has
recommended the inclusion of a sexuality ground defined as 'heterosexuality,
homosexuality, bisexuality
and transsexuality' to be included in the Equal Opportunity Act 1984 (WA): Commissioner for Equal
Opportunity (WA), Discussion Paper No 3: Discrimination on the Basis of Sexuality (1994) 38.
[9] Anti-Discrimination Act 1992 (NT) s 19(1)(c), s 4(1) definition of 'sexuality'. 'Transsexuality' is not
defined.
[10] Anti-Discrimination Act 1977 (NSW) Part 4C, s 4(1) definition of
'homosexual'.
[11] Anti-Discrimination Act 1977 (NSW) Part 4C Div 4.
[12] Anti-Discrimination Act 1991 (Qld) s 7(l)(l); Equal Opportunity Act 1995 (Vic) s 6(d), s 4 definition of
'lawful sexual activity' (effective 1/1/96).
[13] Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission Regulations (Cth) (SR No 407 of 1989) Reg
4(a)(ix). The Industrial Relations Act 1988 (Cth) also uses the terminology of 'sexual preference': s
150A(2)(b), s 170DF(1)(f), s 170MD(5) and s 170ND(10). Note also that the
Sexuality Discrimination Bill
refers to 'sexuality' which it defines as 'heterosexuality, homosexuality and bisexuality ...' (clause
5).
[14] The new federal Sexuality Discrimination Bill 1995 also fails to explicitly refer to lesbians or
lesbianism.
[15] See, eg, Gail Mason, '(Out)Laws: Acts of Proscription in the Sexual Order', chap 4 in Margaret
Thornton (ed), Public and Private: Feminist Legal Debates (Oxford Uni Press, 1995), esp 69-76; Wayne
Morgan, 'Queer Law: Identity, Culture, Diversity, Law' (1995) 5 Australian Gay and Lesbian Law Journal
1, 17-18; Commissioner for Equal Opportunity (WA), above n 7, 3 and 37. In the early 1990s a survey
was conducted in Victoria by a
community based activist group, GLAD (Gay Men and Lesbians Against
Discrimination). The study sought the responses of 1002 people
about experiences of discrimination
and harassment related to their sexual orientation. Of the 492 female respondents, 85% identified
as
lesbian, 6.7% as bisexual and 6% as gay. Less that 1% identified as homosexual. Of the 510 men who
responded to the questionnaire,
74% identified as gay, 16% as homosexual and 6.5% as bisexual. GLAD,
Not A Day Goes By: Report on the GLAD Survey into Discrimination and Violence Against Lesbians
and Gay Men in Victoria (1994) 36.
[16] Prior to 1989-1990 men lodged more than 80% of the complaints under the NSW homosexuality
ground. From 1990 this proportion has decreased
to around 65-70%: Anti-Discrimination Board of New
South Wales, Annual Report 1994-1995 31; Anti-Discrimination Board of New South Wales, Annual
Report 1993-1994 30; Anti-Discrimination Board of New South Wales, Annual Report 1992-1993 26; New
South Wales Anti-Discrimination Board, Discrimination - The Other Epidemic: Report of the Inquiry into
HIV and AIDS Related Discrimination (1992) 116. In South Australia, men lodged over 80% of
complaints under the sexuality ground in 1993-1994 and in 1992-1993 the figure
was over 90%:
Commissioner for Equal Opportunity (SA), Eighteenth Annual Report: 1993-1994 42; Commissioner for
Equal Opportunity (SA), Seventeenth Annual Report: 1992-1993 42. The Commissioner's 1994-1995
annual report does not contain a gender breakdown of complaints lodged under the sexuality ground.
[17] GLAD found that approximately 45% of both male and female respondents recorded unfair
treatment in their paid working lives; 29%
of women and 26% of men recorded harassment and
discriminatory treatment in education; and 41% of women and 25% of men reported inadequate
service,
or a refusal of service, in shops, bars, clubs, motels, restaurants, taxis, government agencies and
financial institutions:
GLAD, above n 14, 5.
[18] Lesbians appear, at least in New South Wales, to have used the ground of sex in preference to the
homosexuality ground: Carmel Niland,
'Opening Address: The Silent Twin - Lesbian Discrimination' in
Lavender (ed), What is Lesbian Discrimination? Proceedings of an October 1987 Forum Held by the
Anti-Discrimination Board (1990) 2; Anti-Discrimination Board of New South Wales, Annual Report
1984-1985 120; Anti-Discrimination Board of New South Wales, Annual Report 1985-1986 53. This
suggests a lack of access by lesbians to the homosexuality ground.
[19] See further Law Reform Commission, Discussion Paper 54: Equality Before the Law (1993) 49-56;
Law Reform Commission, Report No 69 (Part 1): Equality Before the Law: Justice for Women (1994) 91-
157; Law Reform Commission, Report No 69 (Part 2): Equality Before the Law: Women's Equality (1994)
109-133.
[20] The conference proceedings are contained in Lavender, above n 17.
[21] Lavender, above n 17, 32. According to Carmel Niland, former President of the Anti-Discrimination
Board (NSW), the main factor behind
the push to include a homosexuality ground in New South Wales
was as a reaction to the provisions in the Crimes Act (NSW) which criminalised
same sex sexual activity
between men. According to Niland, '[i]f you think that these provisions had anything to do with
lesbians
... they didn't.' Lavender, above n 17, 1.
[22] New South Wales Anti-Discrimination Board, Balancing the Act: A Submission to the NSW Law
Reform Commission's Review of the Anti-Discrimination Act 1977 (NSW) (1994) 97.
[23] Anti-Discrimination (Amendment) Act 1994 (NSW).
[24] See further Anna Chapman, 'The Messages of Subordination Contained in Australian Anti-
Discrimination Statutes' in Gail Mason and
Steve Tomsen (eds), Justice, Violence and Heterosexism
(Federation Press; Australian Institute of Criminology) (forthcoming).
[25] Commissioner for Equal Opportunity (WA), above n 7, 1.
[26] Commissioner for Equal Opportunity (WA), above n 7, 37.
[27] Commissioner for Equal Opportunity (WA), above n 7, 38.
[28] In 1982 the New South Wales Anti-Discrimination Board found that '[t]he evidence is
overwhelming that it is homosexuals, and not
heterosexuals, who are discriminated against': New South
Wales Anti-Discrimination Board, Discrimination and Homosexuality (1982) 31. See also New South
Wales Anti-Discrimination Board, above n 21, 97-100.
[29] See generally, Roberta Perkins, Transgender Lifestyles and HIV/AIDS Risk: National Transgender
HIV/AIDS Needs Assessment Project (Auspiced by the Australian Federation of AIDS Organisations,
1994).
[30] See, for example, Bill Muehlenberg, 'The Law for Gays Will Be a Mistake' Herald Sun (Melbourne) 6
October 1994; Shane Green, 'Gays Say they May Not Back New Laws' The Age (Melbourne) 28
February 1995; Matthew Pinkney, 'Battle Looms Over Gay Law' Herald Sun (Melbourne) 30 March 1995.
[31] See, eg, Victoria, Hansard, Legislative Assembly, 4 May 1995, 1250-1 (the Second Reading Speech);
Victoria, Hansard, Legislative Assembly, 25 May 1995, 1712-33; Queensland, Parliamentary Debates,
Legislative Assembly, 3 December 1991, 3576, 3598-9.
[32] Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission Regulations (Cth) (SR No 407 of 1989) reg 4(a)(v)
and reg 3 definition of marital status
(which refers to the Sex Discrimination Act 1984 (Cth) - see
s 4(1)
definitions of marital status and de facto spouse); Equal Opportunity Act 1995 (Vic) s 4 definitions of de
facto spouse and marital status; Anti-Discrimination Act 1977 (NSW) s 4(1) definition of marital s
tatus;
Anti-Discrimination Act 1991 (Qld) s 4 definitions of de facto spouse and marital status; Equal
Opportunity Act 1984 (SA) s 5(1) definition of marital status; Discrimination Act 1991 (ACT) s 4(1
)
definitions of de facto spouse and marital status; Anti-Discrimination Act 1992 (NT) s 4(1) definitions of
marital status and de facto partner (which refers to the De Facto Relationships Act 1991 (NT) - see s 3).
[33] The exception is the homosexual vilification provisions in the New South Wales statute. These
render it unlawful to, by a public
act, incite hatred towards a person or group of people on the ground of
homosexuality (Anti-Discrimination Act 1977 (NSW) Part 4C
Div 4).
[34] (1985) EOC 92-141.
[35] Ibid 76, 395.
[36] Ibid 76, 397.
[37] Ibid 76, 398.
[38] (1995) EOC 92-716.
[39] Ibid 78, 385.
[40] Ibid 78, 386.
[41] Equal Opportunity Act 1995 (Vic) s 25; Anti-Discrimination Act 1991 (Qld) s 28; Anti-Discrimination
Act 1992 (NT) s 37.
[42] Equal Opportunity Act 1995 (Vic) s 24 (in employment) and s 40 (in education); Equal Opportunity
Act 1984 (SA) s 29(4) (in employment).
[43] Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission Act 1986 (Cth) s 3(1)(d) of the definition of
discrimination; Equal Opportunity Act 1995 (Vic) s 75 and s 76; Anti-Discrimination Act 1977 (NSW) s
56; Anti-Discrimination Act 1991 (Qld) s 29, s 109; Equal Opportunity Act 1984 (SA) s 50; Discriminat
ion
Act 1991 (ACT) s 32; Anti-Discrimination Act 1992 (NT) s 51. Note that the wording and scope of these
provisions varies considerably from statute to statute; many of the provisions do not apply
to all the
grounds listed in the relevant statute. In relation to other federal legislation, see Industrial Relations Act
1988 (Cth) s 170DF(3), s 170MD(6)(b) and s 170ND(11)(b) and clauses 10(4) and 28 of the federal
Sexuality Discrimination Bill.
[44] Equal Opportunity Act 1995 (Vic) s 77.
[45] Equal Opportunity Act 1995 (Vic) s 16; Anti-Discrimination Act 1977 (NSW) s 49ZH(3)(a); Anti-
Discrimination Act 1991 (Qld) s 26; Equal Opportunity Act 1984 (SA) s 34, s 71(1); Discrimination Act
1991 (ACT) s 24; Anti-Discrimination Act 1992 (NT) s 35(2). And see clause 10(3) of the federal Sexuality
Discrimination Bill.
[46] Equal Opportunity Act 1995 (Vic) s 21 (note this number excludes relatives) (and see s 20 family
employment); Anti-Discrimination Act 1977 (NSW) s 49ZH(3)(b).
[47] Anti-Discrimination Act 1991 (Qld) s 28; Anti-Discrimination Act 1992 (NT) s 37.
[48] Equal Opportunity Act 1995 (Vic) s 25(1).
[49] See, eg, Shane Green, 'Gay Law: Kennett Set to Try Again', The Age (Melbourne) 25 January 1995;
Mark Forbes, 'Law Reforms to Tackle Prejudice', The Age, (Melbourne) 23 April 1995.
[50] Ibid.
[51] Most perpetrators of child sexual abuse are male and identify as heterosexual; most victims are
female: Wayne Morgan and Kristen
Walker, 'Tolerance and Homosex: A Policy of Control and
Containment' (1995) 20 Melbourne University Law Review 214, citing Richard Posner, Sex and Reason
(1992) 399-400.
[52] Daniel Philps, 'The Blackboard Jungle', Campaign (Sydney) April 1994, 23 and 71.
[53] Jacqui Tomlins, 'When a Teacher Comes Out', The Age (Melbourne) 30 May 1995.
[54] Equal Opportunity Act 1984 (SA) s 29(4).
[55] Equal Opportunity Act 1995 (Vic) s 24 and s 40.
[56] Equal Opportunity Act 1995 (Vic) s 40(2).
[57] See, eg, Forbes, above n 48 which clearly suggests that an appearance exemption might be
introduced to appease Government MPs who
oppose protection to lesbians and gay men.
[58] The Attorney-General's Second Reading Speech to the Bill asserts that the exemption is in
accordance with a recommendation of the
Scrutiny of Acts and Regulations Committee: Victoria,
Hansard, Legislative Assembly, 4 May 1995, 1252. This is incorrect and perhaps indicates the Attorney-
General's original intention in relation
to this exemption. The Committee to which the Attorney-General
referred recommended such an exemption in relation to the sexuality/sexual
orientation ground and in
addition, that it relate to 'appearance and/or behaviour': Scrutiny of Acts and Regulations Committee,
Review of the Victorian Equal Opportunity Act 1984: Final Report (1993) 23.
[59] Scrutiny of Acts and Regulations Committee, above n 58, 23.
[60] Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission Act 1986 (Cth) s 3(1)(d) of the definition of
discrimination; Equal Opportunity Act 1995 (Vic) s 75 and s 76; Anti-Discrimination Act 1977 (NSW) s
56; Anti-Discrimination Act 1991 (Qld) s 29, s 109; Equal Opportunity Act 1984 (SA) s 50; Discrimination
Act 1991 (ACT) s 32; Anti-Discrimination Act 1992 (NT) s 51. Note that the wording and scope of these
provisions varies considerably from statute to statute.
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