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TEACHING NOTE
Client Group Activism and
Student Moral Development in
Clinical Legal Education
ADRIAN EVANS *
INTRODUCTION
At its best, clinical legal education exposes law teachers and students to
the complexity of responding to clients’ legal issues.
The development of
holistic, skilled and ethical student responses to clients’ casework
issues is of course an appropriate
objective of a law school clinical program.
Beyond this, it is also possible to look behind individual clients’
problems at
the common social factors contributing to their difficulties.
Students who examine these “systemic” issues in their clients’
lives seem to develop a more comprehensive understanding of the legal issues
confronting their clients individually and as members
of a group. Some clients
who are encouraged to see their problems as a part of a wider social context
also become active in the political
process in order to try and improve their
own circumstances and those of others. Law teachers who facilitate the exposure
of their
students and clients to the relationship between individual and
collective social problems also benefit. They mature in the depth
of their
appreciation of substantive law reform.
While exposure by students, clients
and teachers to real as opposed to simulated problems can catalyse a policy
debate, resulting
in better law reform and better administration of justice,
these results are unlikely without close management by the clinical teacher.
Law
teachers need to help students and clients move from individual reflection to
group reflection upon the underlying social injustices
which diminish an
equitable society. Group reflection is the key process in enabling policy
change and it is this process which is at the core of the concept of Community
Development
(CD).1 CD is the generic term used to
describe various strategies designed to bring about the recognition that
collective action can be
effective. It has been practiced by groups as diverse
as the National Farmers Federation and the National Union of
Students,2 but is less understood and less practiced
among clients and consumers who are under-educated, unemployed and therefore
impoverished.
When the energy of some law students’ commitment to social
justice is applied to the CD process, the resources available to
impoverished
groups are increased dramatically.
This mobilisation begins with the
teacher’s appreciation of the core personal values which individual
students bring to the
clinical experience. Competing personal values often
become apparent in the process of developing student and client consciousness
with the use of clinical methods, because the confrontation with individual
clients’ poverty and (often) self-destructive behaviour
tends to polarise
responses. Some students react with empathy and then anger, recognising root
causes readily. Others place more
emphasis on choice, valuing personal autonomy
and responsibility. The conflict of values, which typically exposes left and
right
wing conceptions on many policy issues, can fragment the student/student,
teacher/student relationships and degrade communication
with clients if it is
not identified and addressed positively by the clinical supervisor. The teacher
ought not to shrink from affirming
his/her own values — ideally these will
reflect a broad social tolerance — and in so doing affirm by example the
diversity
of values among students and clients. Where the supervisory atmosphere
opens up values conflicts, those students with attitudes which
may be considered
“anti-social” are often challenged by their peers in a manner which
raises awareness effectively. It
is often taken more seriously by students
because of peer, rather than teacher, challenge.
Clinical supervision which
is participative in this sense (in the context of CD experience) is a powerful
but underused tool in the
moral development of future lawyers. This teaching
note explores a methodology for developing students’ values awareness in
the clinical context. This methodology intends to maintain client autonomy and
promote client activism within the political process.
In this Note there are
a number of issues which are treated simultaneously: the nature of community
development; students’ awareness
of their own values; the role of
supervision; the client group process and the links between student and client
autonomy.
Insofar as interactions between teachers and students are
concerned, it is suggested that the competing values emerging within a
clinical-CD
framework provide an opportunity for social policy reflection which
ought to be embraced rather than avoided. Supervisors who can
stimulate a
respectful argument among their students3 about
competing moral viewpoints will lay an essential foundation for this
methodology. It is unnecessary that the argument be resolved
— it is
enough if the argument is in the open. In the final analysis students are
entitled to criticise and, if they deem it
necessary, disagree with a definite
stance by their peers and/or the clinical supervisor as to the values which they
think are important
in any particular CD initiative. Having said that, it is
necessary to emphasise that student debate about their own values is a
preliminary
stage only in the methodology and that the focus does shift to
clients and the client group process with which students engage. While
the
“community” of students develops diversity of values, they do so
alongside the (controlling) client group. If the
CD model is to have integrity,
a decision on policy issues and the consequential political strategy must in the
end be made by the
group of clients who have been (it is hoped) catalysed by the
CD process.
JUSTICE-FOCUSED LAW SCHOOLS: QUALITY AND CLINICAL EXPERIENCE IN COLLABORATION
The genesis of the CD approach to client group activism and student moral
development lies in the basic attraction to students of
the clinical method.
Anecdotal evidence suggests that law school graduates with clinical experience,
having had close contact with
clients in poverty, enter legal practice with
attitudes, energies and techniques that are different in some way to those who
do not
choose this option within their undergraduate studies. My observation is
that clinical graduates are, at the least, open to the notion
that
“justice” is as important as “law”. Self-selection may
play a role, but it is possible that students
who encounter only the varieties
of Socratic method within conventional lecture environments learn mainly how to
argue. While the
techniques of argument are, naturally, key legal skills they
are not the only skills. They are perhaps no longer the most important
skills.
As the “why” and not just the “how” of the lawyering
task gains increasing attention within law schools,
there is greater recognition
that the technical “how” questions asked by students are, on their
own, barren enquiries.
More frequently, credence is given to the view that
“to be ready and able to argue the case for either side of a controversy
[underemphasises] consideration of legal ethics and the rights and wrongs of the
situation”.4
The probability is that, for
those students whose first significant workplace experience is a clinical
program, development of personal
values, social awareness and motivation are all
enhanced because students are under the control of legal educators rather than
“the
market”.5 If “experience best
promotes movement toward the highest levels of [moral]
development”,6 the controlled experience of
clinical process is ideal for that development.
There are a number of
examples internationally of law school/community legal centre/law centre
connections that have sought to develop
student motivation, over decades in some
cases.7 Each of these law centres place students in
responsible relationships with their clients: students come to understand they
have an
obligation to empathise, to gather facts carefully, to research and to
advocate on behalf of their clients. They know (or come to
know) that if they do
not accept these responsibilities their clients will suffer. The sense of
responsibility they discover is —
for them — both daunting and
exciting, and it is (at bottom) only because of this process of identification
that their values
are developed.8
THE CLIENT GROUP PROCESS
Over the last 10 years at Monash University the CD process has become more
reflective for students with the addition of a client-group
process in
partnership with Springvale Legal Service Inc (SLS). In addition to the
traditional one-to-one clinical caseload, the
student task groups at SLS have
concentrated upon the CD issues which that caseload highlights.
The issues
have been diverse, ranging, for example, from the over-charging of particular
ethnic groups by private lawyers from their
own community, to residents affected
by toxic paint discharge, to the review of offensive cemetery practices, and to
state exploitation
of addicted gamblers. Client group facilitation has been
chosen because it seems to offer the best opportunity for social reform.
The
prospect of achievable social reform also appears to be particularly attractive
to students who are energised by clinical method.
While the mobilisation of
client groups, especially in class actions, has an impressive
history,9 it has not generally included a law student
dimension. Sessions in which student task groups reflect on values have been a
part of
clinical supervision at SLS. This reflection appears to be useful in
changing students beliefs/attitudes as to the interests that
call out for
responsible lawyering. The process involves encouraging students to talk about
their developing insights.10 Although dependent on
insightful supervision that is not always available, values reflection seems to
be effective because it is
constructive in emphasis and case derivative; that
is, personal interactions with clients’ cases convince students that the
policy discussion and the policy change process are legitimate avenues of
endeavour.
One task group was set up in response to the large number of
clients who had complained of their lawyers’ insensitivity and
level of
fees. Clients were frustrated at what they saw as their inability to get the
professional regulator to take their complaints
seriously. The law students
gradually accepted that their clients had a case for systemic reform of the
regulatory structure. Significantly,
this acceptance only occurred when students
experienced, in their dealings with the regulator on behalf of those clients,
the same
frustration.
It is the task group discussion about clients’
interests, and their right as clients to decide upon their own approach to
change,
that inevitably raises (for those students in the task group) the issue
of their own autonomy. When they realise that they are free
to disagree with
each other and their supervisor — since that is the process that the
putative client group is entitled to
use — they begin to formulate their
own views in relation to the task group problem. At that point, the insightful
facilitator
can draw out students’ underlying values and acknowledge them
respectfully. Student acceptance of their own autonomy is the
first step in the
process of developing their own values.
The second step is the
teacher’s recognition of those diverse values and the facilitation of
students’ own challenges
to each other’s values. Often there are
choices for the task group to make which have an essential ethical quality. In
one
recent example a series of student task groups developed a “self
exclusion” kit to allow addicted gamblers to legally
exclude themselves
from the local casino.11 The kit is intended as a tool
for a fledgling group of relatives of self- destroyed gamblers who, we hope,
will emerge to lobby government
on the links between their own misery and that
government’s sponsorship of large-scale gaming. Development of the kit
necessarily
involved seeking a sponsor to cover the costs of publication. The
suggestion was made in the task group that the casino’s own
revenues be
used to cover the cost from its Community Support
Fund12 and the suggestion was justified by students on
an “end justifies the means” basis. The resulting debate among
students
and with their supervisor went to the essence of the students’
values in that setting. Most were very happy to take the casino’s
money to
publish the kit. Some felt the money was tainted. Collectively, they had to make
a choice as to which ethic would prevail
— accept the casino’s money
and refrain from criticism of the social effect of the fund itself, or reject it
and preserve
the ability to comment on that issue publicly. It may have been
difficult to highlight the relationship between the casino’s
profits and
the exploitation of vulnerable patrons if the money were accepted. In the end,
the students were prepared to insist on
an autonomy that rejected the views of
their supervisor.13
TRANSCENDING ISSUES OF CLIENT AUTONOMY
Just as students must be able to exercise their own autonomy, so also, of
course, must clients. Indeed, in the context of the lawyer/client
relationship,
client autonomy has been lionised.14 The recognition
that a client is fundamentally “in charge” underlies nearly
everything in modern clinical practice and
needs no extensive restatement. A
very serious debate has however emerged over client autonomy in reference to the
concept of “moral
activism”.15 This debate
has a number of foci, notably the merit or otherwise of ignoring an individual
client’s rights of confidentiality
if the interests of others (that is,
their “autonomy”) require it. Lawyers who are prepared to act for
the greater good
by sacrificing an individual client’s autonomy are said
to be “morally active” and therefore acting
appropriately.16 It is a debate which revives older
notions of the “end justifying the means”, expressed in traditional
moral philosophical
terms as the choice between teleological and deontological
decision making.17
Neither approach is entirely
satisfactory. The teleological “end justifies the means” approach
has been used to legitimise
atrocities and many abuses of human rights in this
century and may have fewer adherents amongst lawyers and jurists than in the
general
population. Similarly, deontological “moral justification”
(that is, choosing what is “right” without regard
to consequences)
is said by many to lead to social evil.18
The
community development process transcends the lawyer law student involvement in
the “end justifies the means” conundrum
by transferring the decision
as to any particular strategy or policy from the lawyer to the client group.
Community development is
about client group empowerment rather than
individual versus group interests. It is client group development (in
community work) that truly “values” our clients because it is
respectful
of where the power to decide should lie. If practiced properly,
client group development preserves client autonomy in the true sense
because it
is the “moral activism” of the group rather than of the facilitating
lawyer or law student which prevails.
A METHODOLOGY FOR PROMOTING VALUES OF STUDENTS AND CLIENT GROUPS
In the table below, a methodology for promoting values of both students and
client groups over a period of approximately 16 weeks
is briefly outlined. The
time period in which each task is to be performed is broadly indicated. The
clients are from a community
legal centre who share a common (hypothetical)
legal problem: the lack of compulsory property damage insurance for private
vehicles.
Where this type of insurance cover remains optional (and is not taken
out), motor vehicle collisions of high dollar value often result
in the loss of
transport, employment, assets and credit ratings. As a result, in some western
societies (including Australia) it
is a common route to bankruptcy for the
working poor.
Initially, the student task group will seek to facilitate the
formation of a client group, where the pool of potential members is
accessible
from a client database maintained by a community legal centre. The database
records the details of all low asset/low income
drivers (most without optional
insurance) who have suffered from the high dollar value claims of other drivers.
Attention is given
within the student task group to facilitating the autonomy of
the group at all stages even if it means that both the student task
group and
the client group develop in unexpected directions. Autonomy for individuals
within each group, and for each group in relationship
to the other, is otherwise
a meaningless concept.
In the first two weeks, the clinical supervisor is in
control of the student learning process. Each student is set an initial
familiarising
task upon which they are asked to report to the task group. As
time goes by, however, the model involves task group control shifting
to the
student members (away from the supervisor) in the same way as the client group
ought to develop independently of the task
group in the period beyond the
initial 16 weeks. The role of the supervisor/law teacher is to model
relinquishment of control in
order that the task group in due course may see the
need to relinquish control (of the campaign to change insurance laws) to the
client group.
Towards the end of the 16 week period the supervisor explicitly
encourages reflection amongst students on the values issues arising
for them
from the transfer of control to the client group, and upon the justification for
that transfer. This process of values reflection,
which ought to occur as a part
of the normal task group meeting, is intended as the occasion for profound
growth in students’
understanding of the links between justice and
autonomy for lawyers and clients. It is also the forum for developing law
students’
awareness of value choices which they can carry with them into
their professional lives.
A MODEL FOR CLINICAL SUPERVISION OF COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT TASK
GROUPS
PERCEIVED PROBLEM — LACK OF COMPULSORY PROPERTY
INSURANCE FOR MOTOR VEHICLE COLLISIONS
|
WEEKS 1–2
|
CLINICAL SUPERVISOR AND TASK GROUP OF FOUR STUDENTS:
They meet to define:
SUPERVISORS:
They need to be aware of:
|
WEEKS 3–6
|
STUDENTS:
STUDENTS AND CLINICAL
SUPERVISOR:
They meet to:
STUDENTS:
They send letters to clients inviting them to a meeting to discuss the
issue.
|
WEEKS 7–10
|
STUDENTS AND CLINICAL SUPERVISOR:
Planning meeting to discuss the process at the pending clients’
meeting (see below):
Values discussion begins.
|
WEEKS 11–12
|
CLIENT MEETING:
To ensure clients decide what happens, the process includes:
Suggestions
made for further meetings.
STUDENTS:
Follow up telephone calls to clients.
|
WEEKS 13–16
|
FURTHER CLIENT MEETING:
It is held 3 weeks after initial client meeting.
CLINICAL SUPERVISOR AND STUDENTS:
They meet to evaluate process; “values” discussion
continues.
|
CONCLUSION: LAW SCHOOLS AND LEGAL CENTRES IN COLLABORATION
Law schools can enhance the development of students’ values and hence
their legal education in thoughtful partnerships with
community legal
centres.19 Through a community development process,
they can provide the opportunity to ensure that the first workplace experience
of law students
involves a partnership between the law school and the community.
Partnerships of this nature are energetic contributors not just
to quality legal
education, but also to justice and the Rule of Law. The attraction to legal
centres is the assistance in dealing
with centre caseload. Small groups of
students can be placed with appropriate centre supervisors and handle ongoing
files as well
as the systemic issues described in this note.
American
experience suggests that, because of the limited exposure to clinical experience
in law schools, the first workplace experience
(that is, the private law firm)
usually determines the values expressed in practice.20
Monash experience suggests that, providing the reflective element of supervision
is addressed within a community development model,
students’ motivation to
subsequently act in the interests of justice is enhanced. This motivation also
encourages and enables
greater commitment amongst students to achieve higher
standards of proficiency in their undergraduate studies. If valuing our clients
in community settings is, with student proficiency and the promotion of justice,
a primary goal of legal education, reflective student
placements in a community
development environment are an invaluable tool.
* Faculty of Law, Monash University.
©2000.
(1999) 10 Legal Educ Rev 179.
1 A process of collective social and community growth first systematically expounded by Paulo Freire. See P Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppressed (London: Penguin Books, 1972). The process of client group development has suffered from the criticism that it promotes social instability rather than social growth. The criticism may be accurate but it is of limited use because social growth and instability inevitably go hand in hand. Another criticism of this process (derided as “morally active” lawyering) is that it overrides the autonomy of individual clients. David Luban has convincingly argued that this criticism is of little significance because the goal of client autonomy in this context is only a means to the end of “responsibility, creativity or authenticity”. In essence, Luban gives priority to the interests of the client group when the latter includes a “morally active” approach to the practice of law. See D Luban, Partisanship, Betrayal and Autonomy in the Lawyer-Client Relationship: A Reply to Stephen Ellmann (1990) 90 Colum L Rev 1004, at 1037.
2 Both of these groups have been active in recent years on specific issues. Under Rick Farley as Chief Executive Officer, the National Farmers Federation helped to lobby the Federal Government in support of land rights for indigenous Australians during the 1980s. The National Union of Students has used student strikes and marches to influence public opinion for decades.
3 And among themselves as supervisors.
4 RC Reuben, Change of Course Needed: Elder Statesman Says Acceptance of Law as Business Will Break the Profession (1994) 80 ABA J 99.
5 Myers considers that “values education is essentially experiential and must be embedded in context to be meaningful”: EW Myers, “Simple Truths” About Moral Education (1996) 45 Am U L Rev 823, at 832 (note 45).
6 Id at 836 (note 57) referring to PT Wangerin, Objective, Multiplistic, and Relative Truth in Developmental Psychology and Legal Education (1988) 62 Tul L Rev 1237, at 1282–83 (note 171).
7 Notably Parkdale Legal Service / Osgoode Hall Law School in Toronto, Juss-Buss / University of Oslo in Oslo and Springvale Legal Service / Monash University in Melbourne.
8 The process is intricately described in H Brayne, N Duncan and R Grimes, Clinical Legal Education: Active Learning in Your Law School (London: Blackstone Press, 1998).
9 See, for example, S Ellmann, Client-Centredness Multiplied: Individual Autonomy and Collective Mobilization in Public Interest Lawyers Representation of Groups (1992) 78 Va L Rev 1103.
10 This note is not intended to describe client group development process in detail: see above note 1. It is worth commenting, however, that, from the perspective of the law teacher, the crucial issues are teacher / student ratios, delineation of individual student tasks, the frequency of supervision meetings and the methodology of values reflection in those meetings.
11 Crown Casino in Melbourne, the largest in the Southern Hemisphere, with 350 tables.
12 The Community Support Fund comes from and is in fact a small percentage of the casino’s profits. The casino and the former Victorian State government maintained that the principal purpose of the fund was to ensure that victims of “problem” gambling were counselled. The casino was in fact willing to assist in publication with its own funds until it discovered that the students would have the final say on the contents and wording of the kit. The offer then lapsed and publication was supported by the Myer Foundation.
13 The supervisor preferred to avoid casino support.
14 See, for example, B Garth, Rethinking The Legal Profession’s Approach to Collective Self-Improvement: Competence and the Consumer Perspective [1983] Wis L Rev 639–87, at 659.
15 See generally Luban, supra note 1.
16 Id at 1035.
17 In contemporary language, teleology is the view that final outcomes are critical in making moral choices, and “outcomes” are defined as “the greatest good for the greatest number” (otherwise known as “utilitarianism”). In contrast, deontological decision making focuses upon what is “right” rather than upon what the outcome or consequences may be. The latter approach is defined by Kant as the “categorical imperative”. See I Kant, Fundamental Principles of The Metaphysic of Ethics 10th ed (London: Longmans Green, 1929).
18 A common example is the abortion debate, which may be said to have bad or undesirable consequences whichever way a decision is made. In the conventional debate on this issue the “right” (deontological) choice is to deliver the child alive and avoid “murder”. The teleological approach justifies termination of the pregnancy in order to protect both the mother and to avoid a probable low quality of life for the child.
19 It is perhaps worth following the example of South African law schools, which are all to introduce a law degree with an agreed core curriculum, including a period of work in community settings. See D McQuoid- Mason, Single New Degree for All Law Graduates in South Africa 77 Commonwealth Legal Education: Newsletter of the Commonwealth Legal Education Association 27–29 (January 1998).
20 Myers, supra note 5, at 836, referring to S Hartwell, Promoting Moral Development Through Experiential Teaching (1995) 1 Clinical L Rev 505, at 531–35.
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